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Specimens of Old French (Cent. IX to Cent. XV) (1892). 

Historical French Gramraar (1896). 

A Dictionary of Proper Names and Notable Matters in the 

Works of Dante (1898). 
Life of Dante (1900, 1902, 1904, 1910 ; Italian translation, 

II Testo Wittiano della Divina Commedia riveduto (1900). 
Cary's Dante, with introduction and notes, 3 vols. (1900-2). 
Dante Studies and Researches (1902 ; Italian translation, 

1899, 1904). 

In the Footprints of Dante : a Treasury of Verse and Prose 
from the Works of Dante (1907). 

Dante in English Literature from Chaucer to Cary, 2 vols. 

Concise Dante Dictionary (1914). 

Correspondence of Gray, Walpole, West, and Ashton, 2 vols. 

Letters of Horace Walp qle ( Sup pleme nt), 2 vols. (1918). •* 




Emended Text 

With Introduetion, Translation, Notes, and Indices 
and Appendix on the Cursus 






Dietro alle poste delle care piante.' 

Inf. xxiii. 148. 











The present edition of The Letters of Dante is offered 
to students, as the outcome of my labours on the subject 
during the past six or seven years, pending the publication 
of the ' official ' critical edition projected by the Societa 
Dantesca Italiana, as part of the complete critical edition 
of Dante's works promised (in the days before the war) 
for the sixth centenary (September, 1921) of the poefs 

The text of the Epistolae as here presented, except in 
the case of Epist. x (the letter to Can Grande), 1 is based 
upon my own collations of all the known MSS. (by means 
of photographic reproductions or of facsimiles), and of the 
printed editions. The results of these collations, together 
with diplomatic transcripts of the MS. texts, lists of pro- 
posed emendations in the texts as printed in the Oxford 
Dante, and texts of the Epistolae as provisionally emended, 
have been printed in a series of articles published in the 
Modern Language Beview between the years 1912 and 
1919. Most of these articles- have had the great advan- 

1 See introductory note to this letter, p. 160. 

2 The following is a list of these articles in the Modern Language 
Review: 1. 'The Vatican Text (Cod. Vat.-Palat. Lat. 1729) of the 
Letters of Dante' (vol. vii, pp. 1-39. Jan. 1912). 2. <The San 
Pantaleo Text of Dante's Letters to the Emperor Henry VII, and 


tage of the expert criticism in the pages of the Bullettino 
della Societd Dantesca Italiana 1 of the editor, Professor 
E. G. Parodi, and latterly of Professor E. Pistelli, 2 from 
which I have derived much encouragement and no little 
positive assistance, both in the way of correction and of 
suggestion, assistance of which I have availed myself in 
the present work, and for which I take this opportunity 
of expressing my grateful acknowledgements. 

to the Princes and Peoples of Italy' (vol. vii, pp. 208-24. April, 
1912). 3. <The Venetian Text (Cod. Marc. Lat. xv. 115) of Dante's 
Letter to the Emperor Henry VII ' (vol. vii, pp. 433-40. Oct. 1912). 
4. * The San Pantaleo Italian Translation of Dante's Letter to the 
Emperor Henry VII ' (vol. ix, pp. 332-43. July, 1914). 5. * Dante's 
Letter to the Emperor Henry VII : Critical Text ' (vol. x, pp. 64- 
72. Jan. 1915). 6. ' Dante's Letter to the Princes and Peoples 
ofltaly: Critical Text ' (vol. x, pp. 150-6. April, 1915). 7. <The 
Laurentian Text (Cod. Laurent. xxix. 8) of Dante's Letter to a Priend 
in Florence : With Emended Text and Translation ' (vol. xi, pp. 61-8. 
Jan. 1916). 8. 'The Laurentian Text (Cod. Laurent. xxix. 8) of 
Dante's Letter to a Pistojan Exile : With Emended Text and Trans- 
lation ' (vol. xii, pp. 37-44, 359-60. Jan., July, 1917). 9. < Dante's 
Letter to the Floi'entines : Emended Text and Translation ' (vol. xii, 
pp. 182-91. April, 1917). 10. <The Battifolle Letters attributed 
to Dante: Emended Text and Translation' (vol. xii, pp. 302-9. 
July, 1917). 11. <The Laurentian Text (Cod. Laurent. xxix. 8) 
of Dante's Letter to the Italian Cardinals: With Emended 
Text and Translation' (vol. xiii, pp. 208-27. April, 1918). 
12. • Dante's Letter to Can Grande (Epist. x) : Emended Text ' 
(vol. xiv, pp. 278-302. July, 1919). 

1 Articles by Professor Parodi were published in the Bullettino for 
Dec. 1912 (N.S. vol. xix, pp. 249-75) and Sept.-Dec. 1915 (N.S. 
vol. xxii, pp. 137-44) ; and by Professor Pistelli in the Bullettino for 
March-June-Sept. 1917 (N.S. vol. xxiv, pp. 58-61, 61-5). 

2 To Professor Pistelli has been entrusted, since the lamented 
death of Professor Francesco Novati, the task of preparing the 
critical edition of the Epistolae for the Societa Dantesca Italiana. 



Ifc has not been thought necessary to reprint here the 
diplomatic transcripts of the MS. texts, nor the collations 
of the printed editions of the Epistolae in the above-men- 
tioned articles in the Modem Language JReview. The 
present text is provided with an apparatus criticus in 
which are registered the divergences of this text from the 
readings of the MSS., and from those of the text of the 
Oxford Danie (as representing the ' standard ' printed text). 
Prefixed to each letter is a brief account of the MSS. in 
which it has been preserved, and of the printed editions 
and translations, together with discussions of the authen- 
ticity and date, and a summary of contents. Each letter 
is accompanied by notes, and by an English translation. ' 

In illustration of the historical allusions a Chronological 
Table, from the date of Dante's Priorate (1300) to that of 
his death (1321), is provided in the Appendices ; 2 in which 
will also be found an article on ' Dante and the Cursus ', 
containing an examination of Dante's Latin (prose) works 
in general, and of the JEpistolae in particular, from the 
point of view of the cursus.* 

1 I have availed myself, with due acknowledgement, of the notes 
of previous editors. In my translation I have borrowed an 
occasional word or term from the renderings of Latham (in his 
Translation of Dante's Eleven Letters, Boston, U.S.A., 1891) and of 
Wicksteed (in Translation of the Laiin Worksof Dante Alighieri, London, 
1904) ; and I have consulted on occasion the Italian version of 
Fraticelli (printed in his edition of the Opere Minori di Dante Alighieri, 
Firenze, 1857), and the G-erman of Kannegiesser (in Dante Alighieri's 
prosaische Schriften mit Ausnahme cler Vita Nuova, Leipzig, 1845). The 
Battifolle letters are now translated into English for the first time. 

2 See Appendix B. 3 See Appendix C. 


No attempt has been made in the present text of the 
Epistolae to reproduce the mediaeval Latin spelling, 
which is 'modernized' in conformity with the practice 
observed in the Oxford Dante. Mediaeval forms of words, 
on the other hand, are scrupulously preserved, such 
forms on occasion being essential to the maintenance of 
the cursus. 1 

A full index is provided, in four sections, namely, an 
Index Nominum, comprising the names of persons and 
places mentioned in the Epistolae ; an Index Verborum, 
a list of words, or examples of words, not registered in 
the American Dante Society's Concordance to the Latin 
Works of Dante, which occur in the present texts ; an 
Index of Quotations, consisting of references to passages 
quoted, directly or indirectly, by Dante, from classical and 
other authors, and from Scripture ; and lastly, a Biblio- 
graphical and General Index, covering the Introduction 
(which comprises a history of the Epistolae from the 
fourteenth century to the present dayj, Notes, and 

It will be observed that, except in the case of the Batti- 
folle letters {Epist. vii*, vii**, vii***), the numeration of 
the lines of the Latin texts of the Epistolae is double. 
That on the left-Jiand side of the page (to which references 
in the Notes and Appendices apply) corresponds with the 

1 For instance, in Epist. vi. 152, the iexlus receptus substitutes the 
classical form susurrusi br the mediaeval susurrium, reading 'susurro 
blandientem ', and thus violating the cursus, which is rectified by 
the restoration of the MS. reading, 'susurrio blandientem' (velox). 


numbering of the lines in the Oxford Dante, which is now 
almost universally accepted as the ' standard ' numeration 
for the purpose of reference. 1 The numeration (of every 
fifth line) on the right-liand side of the page (to which 
references in the Indices apply) is necessitated by the fact 
that in not a few cases the introduction or excision of 
matter in the course of the constitution of the present 
text has thrown out the Oxford numbering of the lines. 
The Battifolle letters, as not being included in the Oxford 
Dante, are numbered on the right-hand side only. 

I had hoped to avail myself of the advice and assistanee 
of my old friend and fellow Dantist, Dr. Edward Moore, 
in the preparation of this edition, which was undertaken 
in the first instance largely at his suggestion ; 2 but this 
was not to be. I had, however, the satisfaction of re- 
ceiving his approval of sundry of my proposed emendations 
in the Oxford text, which I had submitted to him for his 
consideration, shortly before his death. 

In conclusion, I desire to express my acknowledgements 
for valuable suggestions and generous assistance to my 
friend, Dr. C. B. Heberden, Principal of Brasenose, as 

1 It is, for example, the numeration adopted in my own Dante 
Dictionaries, and (at Professor C. E. Norton's instance, as the result 
of an appeal from myself) in the American Dante Society's Con- 
cordances to the Italian Prose Works and Latin Works of Dante 
(printed at the Clarendon Press). 

2 In the last letter I received from him, just a week before he 
died, Dr. Moore once more expressed the hope that I would em- 
body the result of my labours on the text in a new edition of the 


well as to other members of the Oxford Dante Society, 
among whom should specially be mentioned Professor 
W. P. Ker of All Souls, the Dean of Christ Church 
(Dr. Strong), and the Rev. F. E. Brightman of Magdalen ; 
also to the late Dr. Bannister, formerly of Rome, for his 
kind offices in procuring photographic reproductions of 
the Vatican and S. Pantaleo MSS. of the Epistolae, and 
to Mr. Horatio F. Brown, of Venice, for similar services 
with regard to the Marcian MS. 

I am glad to take this opportunity of acknowledging 
my indebtedness to the Press readers, to whose vigilance 
is due the detection of sundry errors and misprints which 
had escaped my notice. 



March 1920. 

' Omnium hominum quos ad amorem veritatis natura 
superior impressit, hoc maxime interesse videtur, ut 
quemadmodum de labore antiquorum ditati sunt, ita et 
ipsi posteris prolaborent, quatenus ab eis posteritas 
habeat quo ditetur? 

(Dantis De Monarchia, i. 1, 1-7.) 



Introduction : History of the Letters of Dante 
List of Letters 


. lv 


Epistola i : To Cardinal Niccolo da Prato 
Epistola ii : To Counts Oberto and Guido da" Romena 
Epistola iii (iv) : To a Pistojan Exile . . ... 
Epistola iv (iii) : To Marquis Moroello' Malaspina 
Epistola v : To the Princes and Peoples of Italy 
Epistola vi : To the Florentines . 
^pistola vii : To Emperor Henry VII 
Epistola vii* : To Empress Margaret . 
Epistola vii** : To Empress Margaret 
Epistola vii*** : To Empress Margaret 
Epistola viii : To the Italian Cardinals 
Epistola ix : To a Friend in Florence 
Epistola x : To Can Grande della Scala 

Appendix A : Alleged Letter of Dante to Guido da Polenta 

Appendix B : Chronological Table (1300-1321) 

Appendix C : Dante and the Cursus : — 

§ 1. History and Nature of the Mediaeval Cursus 
§ 2. The Cursus in the De Monarchia, De Vulgari 

Eloquentia, and Quaestio 

§ 3. The Cursus in the Epistolae .... 

Appendix D : Correspondences and Divergences in the 
three MS. Texts of Epist. vii 







82 ' 
160 • 

211 ^ 








Appendix E: The Relations between the S. Pantaleo 
Italian Translation of Epist. vii and the S. Pantaleo 

Latin Text 249 

Index Nominum 255 

Index Verborum . 262 

Index op Quotations 271 

blbliographical and general index . . . 280 





That Dante was the author of numerous letters, some 
of which were in the nature of political manifestoes, 
while others were more or less concerned with his own 
personal interests, we know from various sources. 

In the first place we have Dante's own testimony in 
the Vita Nuova, where he refers (§31) to a letter which 
he says he addressed to the principal personages of the 
city of Florence after the death of Beatrice, which took 
place on the evening of June 8, 1290. 2 He quotes the 
beginning of this letter (' Quomodo sedet sola civitas ! '), 3 
but excuses himself for not transcribing more than the 
opening words on the ground that the letter was in Latin, 
and it was not his intention to include in the Vita Nuova 
anything that was not written in the vulgar tongue. 4 

1 This Introduction, which was originally read as a paper before 
the Oxford Dante Society, is reprinted, with additions and correc- 
tions, from the Thirty-Sixth Annual Report (1917) of the Cambridge 
(U.S.A.) Dante Society, pp. 8-30. 

2 Vita Nuova, § 30, 11. 1-6 ; see my Dante Studies and Researches, 
pp. 61-4. 

3 This letter, of which no other trace has been preserved, is not 
to be confounded, as it has been by some, with another letter of 
Dante, that addressed to the Italian Cardinals (Epist. viii), which 
begins with the same quotation from Lamentations (i. 1). 

4 ' Poiche la gentilissima donna fu partita da questo secolo, 
rimase tutta la cittade quasi vedova, dispogliata di ogni dignitade, 


The earliest independent testimony is that furnished 
by two of Dante's contemporaries, namely the astrologer- 
poet Francescc degli Stabili, better known as Cecco 
d'Ascoli, who was burned as a free-thinker at Florence 
six years after Dante's death ; and the chronicler Giovanni 
Villani, who was Dante's neighbour in Florence, and, as 
his nephew Filippo records, was a personal friend of the 
poet ('Patruus meus Johannes Villani hystoricus . . . 
Danti fuit amicus et sotius'). 1 Cecco d' Ascoli in the 
third book of his encyclopaedic poem V Acerba treats of 
the origin of nobility, which he says had already been 
treated of by the Florentine poet in his polished verse : 

Fu gia trattato coh le dolci rime 
E definito il nobile valore 
Dal Fiorentino con 1' acute lime ; 

the reference, of course, being to the canzone ' Le dolci 
rime d' amor, ch' io solia ' prefixed to the fourth book of 
the Convivio. Cecco controverts Dante's theory, and 
maintains that nobility is due to the influence of one of 
the heavens, namely that of Mercury, upon the individual 
possessed of ancient blood ; ' but hereupon,' he interjects, 
'Dante wrote to me to express a doubt, saying: "Two 
sons are born at a birth, and the elder turns out more 

ond' io, ancora lagrimando in questa desolata cittade, scrissi 
a' principi della terra alquanto della sua condizione, pigliando 
quello cominciamento di Geremia profeta : Quomodo sedet sola civitas ! 
. . . E se alcuno volesse me riprendere di cio, che non scrivo qui le 
parole che seguitano a quelle allegate, scusomene, perocche lo 
intendimento mio non fu da principio di scrivere altro che per 
volgare : onde, conciossiacosache le parole, che seguitano a quelle 
che sono allegate, sieno tutte latine, sarebbe fuori del mio intendi- 
mento se io le scrivessi ' (§ 31, 11. 1-21). 

1 See § 22 of Filippo Villani's Comento al primo canto deW Inferno 
(ed. Gr. Cugnoni, p. 79). 


noble than the other, or vice versa, as I have known 
before now. I am returning to Kavenna and shall not 
depart thence again. Tell me, you of Ascoli, what have 
you to say to this ? " And I wrote back to Dante . . .' 

(Ma qui me scrisse dubitando Dante : 

Son doi figlioli nati in uno parto, 

E piu gentil si mostra quel davante, 
Et cio converso, come gia vedi. 

Torno a Kavenna, e de li non mi parto. 

Dime, Esculano, quel che tu credi. 
Kescrissi a Dante : Intendi tu che leggi . . .) 

and he then proceeds to develop his argument. 

This correspondence with Cecco d' Ascoli must have 
taken place during the last three or four years of Dante's 
life, while he was the guest of Guido Novello da Polenta 
at Kavenna, that is, probably, not earlier than 1317. 

Villanfs testimony is contained in the ninth book of 
his Cronica, a chapter of which, under the year 1321, the 
year of Dante's death, is devoted to a brief biographical 
account of his distinguished fellow-citizen (ix. 136 : ' Chi 
fu il poeta Dante Alighieri di Firenze '). In this account, 
in which he gives an enumeration of Dante's most im- 
portant writings, after mentioning the Vita Nuova and 
the canzoni, Villani says : 

This Dante, when he was in exile, wrote, among others, 
three noble letters, one of which he sent to the govern- 
ment of Florence, complaining of his undeserved exile ; 
the second he sent to the Emperor Henry when he was 
besieging Brescia, 1 reproaching him for his delay, after 
the manner of the prophets of old ; and the third he 
sent to the Italian Cardinals at the time of the vacancy 
of the Holy See after the death of Pope Clement, urging 
them to agree together in electing an Italian Pope. 
1 Actually Cremona. 


These letters were written in Latin, in a loffcy style, for- 
tified with admirable precepts and authorities, and were 
greatly commended by men of wisdom and discernment. 1 

Of the three letters specifically mentioned by Villani, 
two have been preserved ; namely, that to the Emperor 
Henry (Epist vii) and that to the Italian Cardinals 
(Epist. viii). The third, that to the Florentine Govern- 
ment, which is perhaps identical with one of those 
mentioned by a subsequent authority, Leonardo Bruni, 2 
has not come down to us. 

Valuable evidence, direct and indirect, is supplied in 
the next generation by Boccaccio, who, in his Vita di 
Dante, written probably between 1357 and 1362, 3 says 
that the poet ' wrote many prose epistles in Latin, of 
which a number are still in existence ' ; 4 and who cer- 
tainly had first-hand knowledge of at least six of the 
letters now extant. These are the letter to the Emperor 
Henry VII (Epist. vii) and that to a friend in Florence 
(Epist. ix), of which use is made in chapters five and 
twelve of the Vita dl Dante ; E the letter to Can Grande 
(Epist. x), which is largely utilized in the first and fifth 

1 ; Quando fu in esilio . . . in tra Y altre fece tre nobili pistole ; 
T una mando al reggimento di Firenze dogliendosi del suo esilio 
sanza colpa; 1' altra manclo allo 'mperadore Arrigo quand' era al- 
1' assedio di Brescia, riprendendolo della sua stanza, quasi profetiz- 
zando ; la terza a' cardinali italiani, quand' era la vacazione dopo 
la morte di papa Clemente, acciocche s' accordassono a eleggere papa 
italiano ; tutte in latino con alto dettato, e con eccellenti sentenzie 
e autoritadi, le quali furono molto commendate da' savi intenditori.' 

2 See below, p. xxiii. 

3 See Oskar Hecker, Boccaccio-Funde, p. 154. 

4 'Fece ancora questo valoroso poeta molte epistole prosaiche in 
latino, delle quali ancora appariscono assai ' (§ 16, ed. Macri-Leone, 
p. 74). 

5 §§ 5, 12, ed. Macri-Leone, pp. 29, 59. 


Lesioni of fche Comento sopra la Commedia ; the letter to 
Moroello Malaspina (Epist. iv (iii)), portions of which are 
incorporated in the letter Ignoto Militi (that beginning 
■ Mavortis miles extrenue ') ; l and the letters to the 
Pistojan exile, commonly identified with Cino da Pistoja 
(Epist. iii (iv)), and to the Italian Cardinals (Fpist. viii), 
which, together with the ]etter to the Florentine friend 
already mentioned, have been preserved in a MS., the 
only known MS. containing them, written by Boccaccio*s 
own hand. 2 

The letter to Can Grande, it may be observed, was 
known in one form or another to several of the fourteenth- 
century commentators on the Commedia besides Boccaccio, 
namely to Guido da Pisa (c. 1324), Jacopo della Lana 
(c. 1326), the author of the Ottimo Comento (c. 1334), 
Pietro di Dante (1340-1), Francesco da Buti (1385- 
95), and Filippo Villani (1391) ; 3 but of these, Filippo 
Villani, who in his inaugural lecture delivered in 1391, 
as occupant of the Dante chair at Florence, refers to the 
letter as ' quoddam introductorium [nostri poetae] super 
cantu primo Paradisi ad dominum Canem de la Scala 
destinatum ', 4 is the only one who mentions ihat it was 
addressed to Can Grande. 

1 The text of Boccaccio's letter is printed in full, with the parallel 
passages from Dante's letter, by G. Vandelli, in Bullettino della Socieia 
Dantesca Italiana, N.S. vii. 64-7. 

1 This is the Laurentian MS. (xxix. 8), which has been shown by 
Henri Hauvette to be written, so far as the portions relating to 
Dante are concerned, in Boccaccio's autograph (see Hauvette's 
Notes sur des manuscrits autographes de Boccace a la Biblioiheque Lauren- 
tienne, pp. 22 ff.). 

8 See Moore, Studies in Dante, iii, pp. 345 ff. ; and Boffito, L'Epistola 
cli Dante Alighieri a Cangrande della Scala, pp. 1-2, and Appendice. 

4 See §§ 3 and 9 of his Cc^ento (ed. Cugnoni, pp. 28, 33). 

21*5 b 


Of special importance is the testimony of the next 
witness, Leonardo Bruni of Arezzo (otherwise known as 
Leonardo Aretino), the author of the most valuable, from 
the critical point of view, of the early lives of Dante. 
Bruni was not only the most distinguished humanist of 
his day, but as secretary to several Popes l and Chancellor 
of the Florentine Republic, and as historian of the 
Republic, he was experienced in the handling of State 
papers and in the appraisement of documentary evidence, 
important qualifications possessed in an equal degree by 
no other of the early biographers of Dante. He sets out 
to write as a serious historian, with the express purpose 
of supplying the practical deficiencies of Boccaccio's bio- 
graphy, which he holds to be overburdened with details 
of lovers' sighs and tears, and such like trivialities, to the 
neglect of the weightier matters of life, as though, he 
says, man were born into this world for no other purpose 
than to figure in a tale of the Decameron. 2 Bruni's state- 

1 As secretary to Pope John XXIII, Bruni was in attendance at 
the Council of Constance, where, as Dv. Moore points out (Dante 
and his early Biographers, p. 65), he would have met Giovanni da 
Serravalle, the translator and commentator of the Divina Commedia, 
who is responsible for the interesting but unhappily not otherwise 
authenticated statement, that Dante came to England and was 
a student at Oxford — a matter to which Bruni makes no reference. 

2 ' Mi parve che il nostro Boccaccio, dolcissimo e suavissimo uomo, 
cosi scrivesse la vita e i costumi di tanto sublime poeta, come 
se a scrivere avesse il Filocolo, o il Filosti*ato, o la Fiammetta ; 
perocche tutta d' amore, e di sospiri, e di cocenti lagrime e piena ; 
come se 1' uomo nascesse in questo mondo solamente per ritrovarsi 
in quelle dieci giornate amorose, nelle quali da donne innamorate 
e da giovani leggiadri raccontate furono le cento Novelle ; e tanto 
s' infiamma in queste parti d' amore, che le gravi e sustanzievoli 
parti della vita di Dante lascia in dietro, e trapassa con silenzio, 
ricordando le cose leggieri, e tacendo le gravi. Io dunque mi posi 
in cuore per mio spasso scriver di nuovo la vita di Dante, con 


ments, therefore, as to matters of fact, of which he claims 
to have had personal cognizance, are entitled to the 
respect due to a writer of established reputation and 
authority. Among such statements in his Vita di Bante, 
which was written in 1436, by way of diversion, after the 
completion of his translation of the Poetics of Aristotle, 
and while he was still engaged upon the last books of his 
history of Florence, are several of the highest interest 
relating to the letters of Dante. 

Bruni mentions that he had himself seen several letters 
written by Dante's own hand, and he describes the hand- 
writing — the only description that has come down to us 
— as being ' fine and slender and very accurate ' : ' Di sua 
mano egregiamente disegnava. Fu ancora scrittore per- 
fetto, ed era la lettera sua magra, e lunga, e molto corretta, 
secondo io ho veduto in alcune epistole di sua propria 
mano scritte ' — a statement which recurs in another work 
of his, the Bidlogus ad Petrum Histrum, where, speaking 
of Dante, he says : ' legi nuper quasdam eius litteras quas 
ille videbatur peraccurate scripsisse: erant enim propria 
manu atque eius sigillo obsignatae'. 'Scrisse molte 
epistole in prosa,' he says in his list of the poefs works 
in the Vita, and in the course of the work he specifically 
mentions or refers to at least half a dozen, giving in the 
case of one of them a long quotation in Dante's own 
words, 1 and in the case of another the opening sentence. 

The first letter mentioned by Bruni is in connexion 

maggior notizia delle cose stimabili : ne questo faccio per derogare 
al Boccaccio ; ma perche lo scriver mio sia quasi un supplimento 
allo scriver di lui.' 

1 Bruni gives the quotation in Italian, vvith the remark ' queste 
sono le parole sue ' ; but the original, like the rest of Dante's letters 
with which we are acquainted, was doubtless written in Latin. 



with the battle of Campaldino, the decisive victory of the 
Florentine Guelfs over the Ghibellines of Arezzo on 
June 11, 1289, at which Dante, he says, was present as 
a combatant, as he himself relates in a letter in which he 
gives an account of the battle, accompanied by a plan of 
the operations. 1 The next has reference to Dante's elec- 
tion to the Priorate, ' from which ', he states, ' sprang 
Dante's exile from Florence and all the adverse fortunes 
of his life, as he himself writes in one of his letters, the 
words of which are as follows : 

All my woes and all my misfortunes had their origin 
and commencement with my unlucky election to the 
Priorate ; of which Priorate, although I was not worthy 
in respect of worldly wisdom, yet in respect of loyalty 
and of years I was not unworthy of it ; inasmuch as ten 
years had passed since the battle of Campaldino, where 
the Ghibelline party was almost entirely broken and 
brought to an end ; on which occasion I was present, no 
novice in arms, and was in great fear, and afterwards 
greatly elated, by reason of the varying fortunes of that 

These are his words.' 2 

1 ' Questa battaglia racconta Dante in una sua epistola, e dice 
esservi stato a combattere, e disegna la forma della battaglia.' 

2 ' Da questo priorato nacque la cacciata sua, e tutte le cose avverse, 
cbe egli ebbe nella vita, secondo lui medesimo scrive in una sua 
epistola, della quale le parole son queste : "Tutti li mali, e tutti 
1' inconvenienti miei dalli infausti comizi del mio priorato ebbero 
cagione e principio ; del quale priorato benche per prudenza io non 
fussi degno, nientedimeno per fede, e per eta, non ne era indegno, 
perocche dieci anni erano gia passati dopo la battaglia di Campal- 
dino, nella quale la parte Ghibellina fu quasi al tutto morta 
e disfatta, dove mi trovai non fanciullo nell' armi, e dove ebbi 
temenza molta, e nella fine grandissima allegrezza, per li vari casi 
di quella battaglia." Queste sono le parole sue.' 

Bruni mentions this letter also in his account of the battle of 


In another letter recorded by Bruni Dante defends 
himself from a charge of favouritism during his Priorate 
in recalling the exiled Bianchi from Sarzana, while the 
Neri remained in banishment at Castello della Pieve. 
To this charge, says Bruni, Dante replied that when the 
exiles were recalled from Sarzana he was no longer in 
office, and consequently could not be held responsible ; 
and that moreover this recall was due to the illness and 
death of Guido Cavalcanti, who was attacked by malaria 
at Sarzana, and succumbed not long after. 1 Bruni then 

Campaldino in his Historiae Florentinae : ' Dantes Alagherii poeta in 
epistola quadam scribit se in hoc praelio iuvenem fuisse in armis, 
et ab initio quidem pugnae, hostem longe superiorem fuisse, adeo 
ut a Florentinis multum admodum timeretur. Ad extremum autem 
victoriam partam esse, tantamque inimicorum stragem in eo praelio 
factam, ut pene eorum nomen ad internecionem deleretur ' (Lib. IV, 
p. 63, ed. Argentorati, MDCX). 

1 ' Essendo adunque la citta in armi e in travagli, i priori per 
consiglio di Dante provvidero di fortificarsi della moltitudine del 
popolo ; e quando furono fortificati, ne mandarono a' confini gli 
uomini principali delle due sette, i quali furono questi, messer 
Corso Donati, messer Geri Spini, messer Giacchinotto de' Pazzi, 
messer Rosso della Tosa, e altri con loro. Tutti questi erano per la 
parte nera, e furono mandati a' confini al Castello della Pieve in quel 
di Perugia. Dalla parte de' Bianchi furon mandati a' confini a 
Serezzana messer Gentile, e messer Torrigiano de' Cerchi, Guido 
Cavalcanti, Baschiera della Tosa, Baldinaccio Adimari, Naldo di 
messer Lottino Gherardini, ed altri. Questo diede gravezza assai 
a Dante, e contuttoche lui si scusi, come uomo senza parte, niente- 
dimanco fu riputato, che pendesse in parte bianca . . . ; e accrebbe 
1' invidia, perche quella parte di cittadini, che fu confinata 
a Serezzana, subito ritorno a Firenze, e V altra, ch' era confinata 
a Castello della Pieve, si rimase di fuori. A questo risponde Dante, 
che, quando quelli di Serezzana furono rivocati, esso era fuori del- 
1' uficio del priorato, e che a lui non si debba imputare ; piu dice, che 
la ritornata loro fu per 1' infermita e morte di Guido Cavalcanti, 
il quale ammalo a Serezzana per 1' aere cattiva, e poco appresso 


tells us that after his own exile Dante, in order to obtain 
his recall, wrote many letters to individual members of 
the Florentine Government, as well as to the people 
of Florence (' scrisse piii volte non solamente a' particulari 
cittadini del reggimento, ma ancora al popolo'), among 
the rest one of some length, beginning ' Popule mee, quid 
feci tibi ? ' — a sentence which in a till recently unre- 
corded version of Bruni's Vita x is amplified by the com- 
pletion of the quotation from Micah vi. 3, into ' Popule 
mee, quid feci tibi? aut in quo molestatus [for molestus] 
fui responde mihi'. When, however, continues Bruni, 
the Emperor Henry VII crossed the Alps, Dante changed 
his tone, and began to write in abusive terms to the 
Florentines, calling them 'scellerati e cattivi', and 
threatening them with the vengeance of the Emperor, 
against whose might all resistance would be vain. But 
when the Emperor, whose advance against Florence had 
been urged by Dante (an obvious allusion to Dante's 
letter to the Emperor), actually made his appearance 
under its walls, Dante in a further letter expressed his 
intention on patriotic grounds of not personally assisting 
at the siege of his native city. 2 Finally Bruni refers to 
a letter (which may or may not be identical with the 

mori.' Dante's term of office expired on August 15, 1300 ; Guido 
Cavalcanti was buried at Florence on August 29 ; so that his death 
must have taken place within a few days of his return from 

1 See my article on ' An Unrecorded Seventeenth Century Version 
of the Vita di Dante of Leonardo Bruni ', in Twenty-Ninth Annual Report 
(1912) ofthe Cambridge (U.S.A.) Dante Society. 

2 Dante makes no such personal reference in tlie letters to 
Henry VII and to the Florentines which have come down to us ; 
Bruni must therefore be referring to another letter, addressed 
either to the Emperor or to the Florentines. 


letter ' Popule mee ', already mentioned) in which Dante 
gives an inventory of his personal possessions in lands 
and household goods. 1 

Of the letters specified or referred to by Bruni in his 
Vita two only are now extant, namely the abusive letter 
to the FJorentines (Epist. vi), and that to the Emperor 
Henry (Epist. vii). The letter ' Popule mee ' may perhaps 
be identified with the first of those mentioned by Villani 2 
— that written by Dante to complain of his undeserved 
exile from Florence. For the remainder Bruni is our sole 

Giannozzo Manetti, who wrote a life of Dante not many 
years after Bruni, of whose Vita he largely availed him- 

1 ' Cercando con buone opere e con buoni portamenti riacquistare 
la grazia di poter tornare in Firenze per ispontanea rivocazione di 
chi reggeva la terra . . . scrisse piii volte non solamente a' particu- 
lari cittadini del reggimento, ma ancora al popolo ; e intra V altre 
un' epistola assai lunga, che incomincia, Popule mec, quid feci tibi ? 
Essendo in questa speranza di ritornare per via di perdono, soprav- 
venne 1' elezione d' Arrigo di Luzinborgo Imperadore ; per la cui 
elezione prima, e poi la passata sua, essendo tutta Italia sollevata 
in speranza di grandissime novita, Dante non pote tenere il pro- 
posito suo dell' aspettare grazia, ma levatosi coll' animo altiero 
comincio a dir male di quelli che reggevano la terra, appellandoli 
scellerati e cattivi, e minacciando loro la debita vendetta per la 
potenza dell' Imperadore, contro la quale diceva esser manifesto 
che essi non avrebbon potuto avere scampo alcuno. Pure il tenne 
tanto la riverenza della patria, venendo 1' Imperadore contro 
a Firenze, e ponendosi a campo presso alla porta, non vi volle 
essere, secondo lui scrive, contuttoche confortatore fusse stato di 
sua venuta. . . . 

' Case in Firenze ebbe assai decenti . . . possessioni in Camerata, 
e nella Piacentina, e in Piano di Ripoli : suppellettile abbondante 
e preziosa, secondo lui scrive/ 

2 See above, p. xvi. It will be noted that Bruni makes no 
reference to the letter to the Italian Cardinals (Epist. viii) mentioned 
by Villani. 


self, has no new information to give about the letters in 
general. In speaking of Dante's writings he merely 
remarks : ' In Latino sermone multas epistolas scripsit.' 
He does specify one particular letter, however, elsewhere, 
and incidentally in connexion with it he uses a significant 
phrase which makes it appear that he must himself have 
been acquainted with the letter in question, namely, that 
written by Dante to the Florentines sA the time of the 
advent of Henry VII into Italy (Epist. vi). Bruni, as we 
have seen, states that in this letter Dante wrote abusively 
to the Florentines, calling them knaves and scoundrels. 
Manetti, who when he follows Bruni usually follows him 
so closely as almost to echo his words, in this instance 
adds a detail which he could not have derived from 
Brunfs Vita. When the Emperor, he says, sat down 
before Florence to besiege it, the Florentine exiles flocked 
to his camp from all sides, and Dante, full of hope and no 
longer able to contain himself, indited an insulting 
letter ' to the Florentines within the city, as he himself 
calls them' — 'Proinde Dantes quoque se ulterius conti- 
nere non potuit, quin spe plenus epistolam quandam ad 
Florentinos, ut ipse vocat, intrinsecos contumeliosam sane 
scriberet, in qua eos acerbissime insectatur ; quum ante- 
hac de ipsis honorificentissime loqui solitus esset '. This 
letter, as has already been mentioned, happens to be one 
of those which have come down to us. Manetti's refer- 
ence to the title of it, which runs: 'Dantes Alagherii 
Florentinus et exul immeritus scelestissimis Florentinis 
intrinsecis ', is unmistakable, and conveys the impression 
that he had a personal knowledge of at least this one of 
Dante's letters, though, unlike Bruni, he does not inform 
us of the fact. That this was actually the case has 
recently been demonstrated by Zenatti in his Dante 


e Firenze, 1 where he shows that Manetti was at one time 

1 Dante e Firenze: Prose Aniiche con note illustrative ed appendici, di 
Oddone Zenatti, pp. 370-5 note, 414-19. In this work (pp. 418-19) 
Zenatti contends that Manetti's unmistakable reference to the title 
of Dante's letter to the Florentines is proof positive that he had 
actually first-hand knowledge of the letter at the time when he 
was writing his Vita JDantis ; and he maintains, further, that 
Bruni's acquaintance with the letter cannot be regarded as certain 
on account of the' vagueness of his reference : ' Dalle vaghe parole 
dell' Aretino, malgrado dello scellerati, non e dato di trarre la 
certezza, ch' egli abbia propriamente avuto sott' occhio anche 
1' epistola ai Fiorentini ; con le sue ora citate, il Manetti ci da invece 
la prova piii sicura di aver letta quell' epistola, di averne con 
precisione conosciuto il titolo (Scelestissimis) Jtorentinis intrinsecis.' 
Torraca, in a review of Zenatti's volume in the Bullettino della Societa 
Dantesca Jtaliana (N.S. x. 121 ff.), pointed out that if Manetti read 
Dante's letter, at any rate he did not read the date of it (namely, 
March 31, 1311), for he states that it was written at the time of the 
siege of Florence by the Emperor, whereas, as a matter of fact, the 
siege was not begun until the autumn of the following year. 
Manetti's authority, however, as I have shown in the Modem 
Language Revieio (xiv. 111-12), was not the letter itself, but the follow- 
ing passage in Bruni's Historiae Florentinae : ' Herricus . . . superatis 
Alpibus, in citeriorem Galliam descendisse nunciabatur, et quid- 
quid ubique fuerat exulum Florentinorum, ad illum concurrisse, 
adeo spe firma victoriae, ut iam inde bona inimicorum inter se 
partirentur. Extat Dantis poetae epistola amarissimis referta con- 
tumeliis, quam ipse hac inani fiducia exultans, contra Florentinos, 
ut ipse vocat, intrinsecos scripsit. Et quos ante id tempus honori- 
ficentissimis compellare solebat verbis, tunc huius spe supra modum 
elatus, acerbissime insectari non dubitat ' (Lib. IV, p. 88, ed. 
Argentorati, MDCX). No one who compares the phraseology of 
this passage with that of the quotation from Manetti's Vita Dantis 
given above can have much doubt that this was the source from 
which Manettfs account of the letter was derived. This passage 
also proves, what Zenatti doubted, that, whether or no Manetti had 
a first-hand acquaintance with the letter, Bruni cei*tainly had. 
Manetti's acquisition of the MS. containing the letter must have 
been subsequent to the compilation of his Vita Dantis, otherwise he 
would surely have utilized it for the purposes of his work. 


in possession of a MS. which contained no less than nine 
letters written by, or attributed to, Dante, this MS. 
being the now famous Vatican MS. (Cod. Vat.-Palat. Lat. 
IJ29), of which we shall have more to say later. 1 

The next piece of evidence is supplied, not by a bio- 
grapher of Dante, but by a fifteenth-century historian, 
namely Flavio Biondo of Forli, who in his Historiarum 
ab inclinato Eomano Imperio Decades, which was com- 
pleted in or about the year 1440, states that he had seen 
at Forli letters written by Pellegrino Calvi, secretary of 
Scarpetta degli Ordelaffi, the Ghibelline leader in Forli, 
which had been dictated by Dante, and in which Dante's 
name frequently occurs — ' Peregrini Calvi foroliviensis, 
Scarpettae epistolarum magistri, extantes literae, crebram 
Dantis mentionem habentes, a quo dictabantur ' ; 2 and 
in another passage he makes special mention of a letter 
written by Dante in his own name and in that of the 
exiled Bianchi to Can Grande della Scala at the time of 
the advent of the Emperor Henry VII into Italy, in 
which Dante gave an account of the insolent reply re- 
turned by the Florentines to the ambassadors of the 
Emperor — a letter of which, as Biondo tells us, a copy 
was taken by Pellegrino Calvi — 'Dantes Aldegerius, 
Forolivii tunc agens, in epistola ad Canem Grandem Sca- 
ligerum veronensem, partis Albae extorrum et suo 
nomine data, quam Peregrinus Calvus scriptam reliquit, 
talia dicit de responsione a Florentinis urbem tenentibus 
tunc facta *. 3 

Of these letters, which must be assigned to the period 
of Dante's presumed residence at Forli in 1303 and 1310, 

1 See below, pp. xlvii ff. 

2 See Bullettino della Societa Daniesca Italiana, No. 8 (1892), p. 22. 

3 See Bullettino clella Societa Dantesca Italiana, No. 8 (1892), p. 26. 


no trace has been preserved. Carlo Troya, who drew 
attention to these statements of Flavio Biondo with 
regard to Dante in his Veltro Allegorko cli Dante (Florence, 
1826) x and Veltro Allegorico cle' Ghibellmi (Naples, 1856), 2 
records in the latter work that, as the result of exhaustive 
inquiries as to the fate of the documents mentioned by 
Biondo, he learned that the Ordelaffi papers had been 
entrusted to the eharge of a nun of the Ordelaffi family 
for safe custody during a period of civil commotion, and 
that she, in an evil hour, apparently through fear of 
being compromised if they were found in her possession, 
had consigned the whole to the fiames. 3 

With the next biographer of Dante, Giovanni Mario 
Filelfo, the last of the early biographers who has any 
addition to make to the information supplied by his pre- 
decessors, the number of Daute's letters increases in 
a most remarkable manner. Filelfo, who was the son of 
the famous humanist Francesco Filelfo, himself a student 
and expounder of Dante, wrote his life of Dante, which 
is in Latin, in or about the year 1467, as appears from 
a letter accompanying a copy of the work written from 
Verona in December of that year by Pietro Alighieri, 
Dante's great-grandson, to Pietro de' Medici and Tommaso 
Soderini in Florence, in which it is referred to as having 
been recently completed — 'munusculum hoc nuper mihi 
de vita proavi mei Dantis ab eloquentissimo oratore, et 
laurea insignito Mario Philelfo editum, Magnificentiis 
Vestris mittere decrevi \ 

In this work, which it may be observed in passing has 
a peculiar interest for students of Dante, in that here for 
the first time we meet with the theory that Dante's 

1 Pp. 60, 125. 2 Pp. 205-6. 

3 Veltro Allegorico de' Ghibellini, p. 207. 


Beatrice was a mythical, not a real personage — ahout as 
real as Pandora, is the author's way of putting it — 
Filelfo makes very free use of the Vita of Leonardo Bruni. 
He does not, however, confine himself to merely repeating 
what Bruni says, hut embellishes his statements with 
characteristic additions of his own. Thus, in his account 
of Dante's letter about the battle of Campaldino, he makes 
Dante claim not only to have been present, but to have 
taken a leading part in the engagement : ' Hanc quidem 
et pugnam et victoriam recitat ipse Dantes sua quadam 
epistola, declaratque se iisce interfuisse ac praefuisse rebus, 
exprimitque omnem eius proelii ordinem.' Again, where 
Bruni simply mentions that Dante, in order to obtain his 
recall from exile, wrote to individual members of.the 
Grovernment as well as to the people of Florence, Filelfo 
states that he wrote letters to several particular citizens 
whom he believed to be more upright than the rest, and 
also sundry very lengthy letters to the Florentine people : 
' Patriae gratiam assidue cupiens, plures epistolas nedum 
ad nonnullos misit cives, quos intclligeret virtuti dedica- 
tiores, sed ad populum longiusculas admodum dedit 
litteras.' Bruni's succinct description of Dante's hand- 
writing, which has been quoted above, is amplified by 
Filelfo into a detailed statement as to Dante*s delight in 
the exercise of the pen, and, so far as his ignorance of 
Greek would allow, the perfect accuracy of his spelling : 

Delectabatur Dantes scribendi forma, et vetustate lit- 
terarum, scribebatque litteras modernas, tamen politissi- 
mas, sed longiores subtilioresque, ut se illa manu scriptas 
fatetur habuisse Leonardus Aretinus, qui fuit earum 
diligens inquisitor, sed orthographiam tenebat ad unguem, 
quantum poterat, sine litterarum graecarum cognitione, 


The * many letters ' with which Bruni credits Dante, in 
Filelfo's account become 'letters innumerable ', among 
which he proceeds to specify three in particular, now 
heard of for the first time, which he asserts were ad- 
dressed by Dante respectively to the King of Hungary, 
to Pope Boniface VIII, and to his own son at Bologna, 
of each of which letters he professes to quote the opening 
sentences ; and besides these, he adds, Dante wrote other 
letters also, too numerous to specify, which are in the 
hands of many persons at the present time: 

Edidit et epistolas innumerabiles ; aliam cuius est hoc 
principium ad invictissimum Hunnorum Regem : ' Magna 
de te fama in omnes dissipata, rex dignissime, coegit me 
indignum exponere manum calamo, et ad tuam humani- 
tatem accedere.' Aliam, cuius est initium rursus ad 
Bonifacium Pontificem Maximum : ' Beatitudinis tuae 
sanctitas nihil potest cogitare pollutum, quae vices in 
terris gerens Christi, totius est misericordiae sedes, verae 
pietatis exemplum, summae religionis apex/ Aliam, qua 
filium alloquitur, qui Bononiae aberat, cuius hoc est prin- 
cipium: 'Scientia, mi fili, coronat homines, et eos con- 
tentos reddit, quam cupiunt sapientes, negligunt insi- 
pientes, honorant boni, vituperant mali.' Edidit alias, 
quas habent multi, mihi quidem est enumerare difficile. 

If this very precise and circumstantial account of letters 
of Dante, of which no previous writer had made mention, 
could have been accepted as authontic, as it was by 
Filelfo's editor, Domenico Moreni, and by Pelli, Balbo, 
and others, it would have made a most interesting and 
valuable addition to our scanty information on the subject. 
Unfortunately, however, Filelfo is a writer whose un- 
supported assertions it is impossible to regard without 
grave suspicion, even when he claims, as he does with 
respect to his life of Dante, that he has recorded only 


what he knew of his own personal knowledge, or had 
seen with his own eyes — ' ea dumtaxat refero, quae certo 
scio, quaeque ipse vidi, cetera non ausim affirmare '. 
Apart from palpable misstatements of fact, instances of 
which have been pointed out by Bartoli and others, 1 
there are at least two demonstrable falsifications in this 
same work. When he comes to deal with the De 
Monarchia and the De VuJgari Eloquentia, in his account 
of Dante's writings, Filelfo, as in the case of the three 
letters above mentioned, makes a parade of quoting the 
beginnings of each of these treatises : 

Komano quidem stilo edidit opus, cui Monarchiae dedit 
nomen, cuius hoc est principium : ' Magnitudo eius, qui 
sedens in throno cunctis dominatur, in caelo stans omnia 
videt, nusquam exclusus, nullibi est inclusus, ita dividit 
gratia munera, ut mutos aliquando faciat loqui.' Edidit 
et opus de Vulgari Eloquentia hoc principio : ' Ut Eomana 
lingua in totum est orbem nobilitata terrarum, ita nostri 
cupiunt nobilitare suam ; proptereaque difficilius est hodie 
recte nostra quam perite latina quidquam dicere.' 

A glance at the actual beginnings of the De Monarchia 
and De Vulgari Eloquentia will suffice to show that these 
alleged quotations by Filelfo do not bear the smallest 
resemblance to what Dante really wrote, and are in fact 
unblushing fabrications on FilehVs part — fabrications, it 
may be explained, in which it was comparatively safe for 
him to indulge, in view of the circumstance that the 
treatises in question existed only in MS. at that time, 2 
and that the MSS. were few and not easily accessible. 

1 See Bartoli, Storia della Letteratura Italiana, vol. v, pp. 105-6 ; 
and Moore, Dante and his Early Biographers, pp. 95 ff. 

2 The De Monarchia was not printed till 1559, and the De Vulgari 
Eloquentia (of which an Italian translation by Trissino was published 
in 1529) not till 1577. 


Such being the case, we have no alternative but to con- 
cltide, as most recent critics have done, that the letters 
quoted as Dante's by Filelfo are equally apocryphal. It 
is not without significance in this connexion that Filelfo's 
best known work, of which no less than eight editions 
were printed in the fifteenth century, was an Epistolarium, 
seu de arte conficiendi epistolas opus ; ' so that no doubt in 
his ' confection ' of these alleged letters of Dante he was 
but exercising himself in an art of which he was the 
professed exponent. 

With Filelfo we take leave of the early biographers of 
Dante, subsequent notices, such as those of Landino and 
Vellutello, 2 containing nothing, so far as Dante's letters 
are concerned, but a repetition in a more or less meagre 
form of what had already appeared in the lives of 
Boccaccio or of Bruni. 3 

It was not till the middle of the sixteenth century that 

1 This work contains among other things a complete analysis of 
' the eighty possible categories under which epistles can fall '. An 
example of each of these categories is given, and to each of them is 
subjoined a list of appropriate ' sinonima' or stock pbrases, such as 
'sinonima gratulatoria ', 'sinonima postulativa ', 'sinonima vitu- 
peratoria', 'sinonima invectiva', and so on. The * exemplum ' 
under the last heading is ' Es una omnium voce sentina scelerum 
cloaca foetidissima ! * 

2 Prefixed to their commentaries on the Commedia, first published 
respectively at Florence in 1481 and at Venice in 1544. 

8 It is interesting, however, to note that Vellutello was acquainted 
with Filelfo's life of Dante, of which he did not disdain to avail 
himself, though he severely criticizes the author on the score of his 
numerous irrelevancies, and of his disbelief in the reality of 
Beatrice : ' Scrisse la vita di Dante dopo 1* Aretino, Mario Filelfo in 
lingua latina, . . . introducendovi molte cose piu tosto impertinenti 
che accomodate alla materia, e negando Beatrice essere stata donna 
vera, . . . come ancora molti sciocchi hanno detto di Laura celebrata 
dal Petrarca.' 


the first actual text of a letter of Dante was given to 
the world. This was in 1547, in which year was 
published in Florence a slim quarto of eighty pages, 
now exceedingly rare, entitled Prose Antiche di JDante, 
Petrarcha et Boccaccio, et di molti altri Nobili et Virtuosi 
Ingegni, nuovamente raccolte. The first piece in this 
volume, of which the editor, as well as printer, was the 
eccentric Anton Francesco Doni, is 'Pistola di Dante 
Alighieri Poeta Fiorentino all' Imperator' Arrigo di 
Luzimborgo ', and is in fact an Italian translation, in 
a very corrupt and mutilated text, of Dante's letter to the 
Emperor Henry VII, the Latin original of which, as we 
have seen, was known to Villani, Boccaccio, and Bruni. 
The last piece but one in the volume is a letter in Italian 
'Al Magnifico Messer Guido da Polenta, Signor da Ra- 
venna ', dated from Venice, March 30, 1314, and signed 
* L' umil servo vostro Dante Alighieri Fiorentino '. 

No indication is given by Doni as to the source from 
which these two letters were derived. As regards the 
genuineness of the Italian translation of the letter to 
Henry VII there can be no manner of doubt, inasmuch as 
numerous MSS. of it are in existence, and it more or less 
closely corresponds with the Latin text as we now have 
it. The letter to Guido da Polenta, however, stands on 
a very different footing. Not only has no MS. of this 
letter ever been heard of, but it bears on the face of it 
indubitable proofs of its falsity. The letter, which pur- 
ports to be an account of Dante's experiences as envoy of 
Guido da Polenta to the Venetian Republic to offer con- 
gratulations on the recent election of a new Doge, runs 
as follows : l 

1 For the original, which is printed among the letters of, or 
attributed to, Dante by Witte (Epistola Apocrypha), Torri (Epist. xi), 
Fraticelli (Epist. viii), and Giuliani (Epist. iv), see Appendix A. 


To the Magnificent Messer Guido da Polenta, Lord of 

Anything in the world should I sooner have expected 
to see, rather than what I have actually in person seen 
and experienced of the character of this exalted govern- 
ment. To quote the words of Virgil : ■ Minuit praesentia 
famam.' ! I had imagined to myself that I should here 
find those noble and magnanimous Catos, those severe 
censors of depraved morals, in short everything which 
this people, in their most pompous and pretentious 
fashion, would have unhappy and afflicted Italy believe 
that they themselves specially represent. Do they not 
style themselves ' rerum dominos gentemque togatam ' ? 2 
Oh truly unhappy and misguided populace, so insolently 
oppressed, so vilely governed, and so cruelly maltreated 
by these upstarts, these destroyers of ancient law, these 
perpetrators of injustice and corruption ! 

But what am I to say to you of the dense and bestial 
ignorance of these grave and reverend signiors ? On 
coming into the presence of so ripe and venerable 
a council, in order not to derogate from your dignity and 
my own authority, I purposed to perform my office as 
your ambassador in that tongue, which along with the 
imperial power of fair Ausonia is daily declining, and is 
ever destined to decline ; hoping perchance to find it 
throned in its majesty in this distant corner, hereafter to 
be spread abroad with the power of this state throughout 
the length and breadth of Europe, at the least. But alas ! 
I could not have appeared more of a stranger and foreigner 
had I but just arrived from remotest Thule in the west. 
Nay, I should have been more likely to find an interpreter 
of my unknown tongue, if I had come to them from the 
fabled Antipodes, than to be listened to here with the 
eloquence of Rome upon my lips. For no sooner had 
I pronounced a few words of the exordium, which I had 
prepared in your name in felicitation of the recent 
election of this most serene Doge, namely : ' Lux orta est 

1 Actually Claudian, Be Bello Gildonico, 386. 

2 Aen. i. 286. 

2166 C 


iusto, et rectis corde laetitia/ * than it was intimated to 
me that I must either provide myself with an interpreter, 
or speak in another language. Accordingly, whether 
more in amazement or indignation I know not, I began 
to make a short speech in the tongue which has been mine 
from the cradle ; this, however, proved to be hardly more 
familiar or native to them than the Latin had been. 

Hence it has come about, that instead of being the 
bearer to them of joy and gladness, I have been the 
sower, in the most fertile field of their ignorance, of 
the abundant seeds of wonder and confusion. And it is 
no matter for wonder if the Italian tongue is unintelligible 
to them, seeing that they are descended from Dalmatians 
and Greeks, and have brought no other contribution to 
this noble land than the vilest and most shameless prac- 
tices, together with the abomination of every sort of 
unbridled licentiousness. 

I have thought it incumbent on me, therefore, to send 
you this brief account of the mission which I have accom- 
plished on your behalf ; begging you at the same time, 
though you may always command my services, not to 
use me further on such like employments, from which you 
can look for no credit at any time, nor I for consolation. 

I shall remain here for a few days in order to satisfy 
the natural appetite of my bodily eyes for the wonders 
and attractions of this place ; after which I shall transport 
myself to that most welcome haven of my rest, under the 
gracious protection of your royal courtesy. 

From Venice, this 30th day of March, 1314 

Your humble servant, Dante Alighieri of Florence. 

Apart from the manifest absurdity of the charge against 
the Venetians that they could understand neither Latin 
(which was in fact at that time in Venice, as elsewhere in 
Italy, the official language of the State) nor Italian, the 
following blunders chronological and otherwise have been 
pointed out amongst others as fatal to the pretensions of 
1 From the Vulgate, Psalm xcvi. 11. 


this letter to be considered authentic. 1 To begin with, 
all the available evidence goes to prove that Dante did 
not take refuge with Guido da Polenta at Eavenna till 
1317 or 1318, that is to say, not till three or four years 
after the alleged date (1314) of this embassy to Venice. 
Secondly, in the year 1314 Guido da Polenta was not 
Lord of Kavenna, as he is styled in the letter, but Podesta 
of Cesena. Thirdly, the so-called ' recent election ' of the 
Doge (Gian Soranzo) had taken place more than a year 
and a half before, namely, on July 13, 1312. Finally, 
we have the damning fact that Dante, who claims in the 
Commedia that he knew the Aeneid 'tutta quanta', 2 is 
made to attribute to Virgil a quotation from Claudian, an 
author with whom there is no evidence that he had any 
acquaintance. To all of which may be added the further 
objections that the letter is written in Italian, instead of in 
Latin as we should naturally expect, and that it has a most 
decided ' cinquecento ' ring about it, the style being as 
unlike Dante's known epistolary style as it could well be. 
Doni included Dante's letter to the Einperor Henry, 
with other pieces from the Prose Antiche, in a subsequent 
work, his Zucca, which he published at Venice in 1552 ; 
but he did not reprint the letter to Guido, of which it 
has not unnaturally been assumed that he himself was 
the fabricator. This letter, nevertheless, was accepted as 
genuine by Biscioni, who reproduced it, together with 
that to the Emperor, in his Prose di Dante Alighieri e di 
Messer Giovanni Boccacci, published at Florence in 1723 ; 
and it has also found supporters in Tasso (in his Didlogo 
del Forno, published in 1581) and Fontanini, 3 as well as 

1 See Bartoli, Storia della Letteratura Italiana, vol. v, pp. 237 ff. ; 
and Scartazzini, Dante in Germania, vol. ii, pp. 303 ff. 

2 Inf. xx. 113-14. 3 In his Ehquenza Italiana. 



in Torri, 1 Fraticelli, 2 and Scheffer-Boichorst, 3 among others 
of more recent date. 

A few years after the publication of Doni's Prose we 
hear from several quarters of the letter to Can Grande 
(Epist. x), which, as has already been mentioned, was 
utilized by several of the early commentators on the 
Commedia, though, with the exception of Filippo Villani, 
they make no reference to it by name. 4 Giovan Batista 
Gelli, best known as the author of I Capricci del Bottaio 
(Englished not long after his death as The Fearfull Fansies 
of the Florentine Couper), who delivered a series of public 
lectures on Dante before the Florentine Academy at 
various times between 1541 and 1563, in a discussion 
in his eighth course, in 1562, as to the title Commedia 
bestowed by Dante on his poem, recapitulates what he 
had said on the subject in a previous lecture, and then 
proceeds as follows : 

All that I told you on the former occasion as the 
expression of my own personal opinion, I to-day repeat to 
you as a matter of my own knowledge. For a year or two 
ago there came into my hands, through the good offices of 
the deceased Tommaso Santini, a fellow citizen of ours, 
a letter in Latin, which our Poet sent to the Lord Can 
Grande della Scala, Vicar-General of the principality of 
Verona and of Vicenza, together with a presentation copy 
of the third cantica of his poem, namely the Paradiso. 

1 See his Epistole di Danle Allighieri edite e inedite, pp. xvii-xviii, 71. 

2 See his Opere minori di Dante, vol. iii, pp. 476 ff. After examining 
the arguments on both sides, Fraticelli says : ' Io non affermero che 
la lettera appartenga indubbiamente al nostro Alighieri ; ma posti 
in bilancia gli argomenti che dall' una e dall' altra parte si 
adducono, parmi che preponderino quelli clie stanno per 1' affer- 

3 In his Aus Dantes Verbannung ; see Scartazzini, Dante in Germania 
vol. ii, pp. 304 ff 4 See above, p. xvii. 


In which letter he treats of certain matters, with a view 
to the better understanding of his purpose in the poem, 
and among others of the reason why he gave to it this 
title of Commedia. He points out that Comedy differs 
from Tragedy in its subject-matter, inasmuch as Tragedy 
in its beginning is admirable and quiet, but in its ending 
foul and horrible (these being our author's own expres- 
sions), whereas Comedy begins with an element of 
adversity, but in the end turns out happily — a circum- 
stance, he adds, which has given rise to the employment 
by some letter-writers of the salutation, ' tragicum princi- 
piuni, et comicum finem,' as a substitute for the conven- 
tional greeting. Again, he shows that Comedy differs 
from Tragedy in the style of its diction, the language of 
Tragedy being lofty and inflated, while that of Comedy is 
unstudied and homely ; whence he concludes [and Gelli 
here quotes the original text of Dante's letter] : * Et per 
hoc patet quod Comoedia dicitur praesens opus. Nam si 
ad materiam aspiciamus, a principio horribilis et foetida 
est, quia Infernus ; in fine prospera, desiderabilis et grata, 
quia Paradisus. Ad modum loquendi, remissus est modus 
et humilis, quia locutio vulgaris, in qua et mulierculae 
comunicant ; et sic patet, quia Comoedia dicitur.' * 

Gelli quotes the letter a second time in another lecture, 
of which only a fragment has been preserved, in con- 
nexion with Dante's scathing apostrophe to Florence at 
the beginning of the twenty-sixth canto of the Inferno. 
' Not only ', he says, ' did Dante rebuke Florence in this 
place, and in numerous other passages in his works, but 
he twice in the letter he sent to Can Grande, Lord of 
Verona, with a copy of his poem, describes himself in 
these terms : " Dantes Alagherius, Florentinus patria, sed 
non moribus".' 2 

1 Epist. x, 11. 218-25 ; see Letture edite e inedite di Giovan Batista Qelli 
sopra la Commedia di Dante, raccolte per cura di Carlo Negroni, vol. ii, 
p. 295. 

2 Op. cit., vol. ii, p. 515. 


The Can Grande letter was known also to sundry other 
writers on Dante in the sixteenth century, contemporaries 
of Gelli (1498-1563), among others to Lodovico Castel- 
vetro (1505-71) of Modena, Vincenzo Borghini (1515-80) 
of Florence, and Jacopo Mazzoni (1548-98) of Cesena. 1 
Castelvetro in his Sposizione di Canti ventinove delV Inferno 
di Dante (first published in 1886) identifies the ' Veltro ' 
of Inferno i. 101 with Can Grande, to whom, he says, 
according to Boccaccio in his life of Dante, the poet dedi- 
cated the Commedia ; c but ', he continues, ' I have in my 
possession a MS. of a letter of Dante's, written in Latin, 
which begins "Dantes Aligerius natione fiorentinus, non 
moribus, magno Cani etc." ; from which letter it clearly 
appears that Dante dedicated to Can Grande, not the whole 
poem, but the Paradiso only \ 2 It should be noted that 
Castelvetro here misrepresents Boccaccio, who does not 
assert positively that Dante dedicated the Commedia as a 
whole to Can Grande, but states that opinions differed as 
to the dedication, inasmuch as, according to some, Dante 
dedicated the Inferno to Uguccione della Faggiuola, the 
Purgatorio to Moroello Malaspina, and the Paradiso to 
Frederick the Third of Sicily ; while, according to others, 
he dedicated the whole poem to Can Grande. 3 Castelvetro 
quotes the title of the letter again, in his comment on 
Inferno xv. 69, as a proof that Dante obeyed Brunetto 
Latini's injunction to dissociate himself from the evil 

1 The letter was also quoted by Antonio degli Albizzi (1547-1626) 
in his (as yet unpublished) Bisposta al Discorso del Castravilla (see 
Barbi, Della Fortuna di Dante nel Cinquecento, p. 102) ; and (later) by 
Benedetto Buonmattei (1581-1647) in Quaderno Secondo per le lezioni 
su Dante (see Boffito, V Epistola di D. A. a Cangrande della Scala, 
p. 3, n. 3). 

8 Sposisione, p. 23. 

3 Vita di Dante, § 15, ed. Maeri-Leone, p. 72. 


ways of the Florentines — ' Da' lor costumi fa che tu ti 
forbi'. 1 

Borghini makes use of the letter in his Introduzlone al 
Poema di JDante per V Allegoria (first printed in 1855), in 
which he quotes long extracts from the letter in the 
original Latin, namely §§ 7 and 8, and parts of §§ 15 and 
16, to show with what object Dante wrote the Commedia, 
and the various senses in which he meant it to be inter- 
preted ; and part of § 32 for Dante's explanation why he 
did not continue his exposition of the poem, his reason 
being the 'rei familiaris angustia'. 2 Borghini says that 
the text of the letter as seen by him (which he evidently 
emended in the passages he has quoted) was so corrupt as 
to be hardly intelligible ; R and after stating that it was at 
that time known to many persons (*in mano di molti'), 
he observes that by some of the old commentators on the 
Commedia the letter was prefixed to their commentary as 
the author's own preface to his poem — an interesting 
observation, which, however, is not confirmed by our 
present knowledge of the early commentaries. 4 

Mazzoni's mention of the letter occurs in the Introdut- 
tione e Sommario of the first volume of his celebrated Difesa 
di Dante, which was published at Cesena in 1587. In his 
summary of the contents of the last chapter of the first 

1 Inf. xv. 69, in Sposizione, p. 199. 

2 See Stucli sulla Divina Commedia di Galileo Galilei, Vincenzo Borghini, 
ed altri ; pubblicati per cura ed opera di Ottavo Gigli, pp. 155-7, 

3 ' Detta Epistola, che io ho veduta, e tanto scorretta, che a pena 
si puo leggere ' (op. cit., p. 155). 

4 This observation may possibly have been suggested to Borghini 
by the Prae/atio incerti Auctoris, which accompanies the letter in some 
of the MSS., and was first printed by Baruffaldi in 1700 (see below, 
p. xli). 


book l he says : ' It is shown in this chapter that Dante's 
poem was composed by him in the form of a vision, as he 
himself has openly declared in his Vita Nuova, as well as 
in a Latin letter which he sent to Cane della Scala, 
explaining the purpose of the third cantica of his poem ; 
which letter was sent to me from Florence a few days ago 
by Signor Domenico Mellini, a most worthy gentleman 
and lover of letters.' 

(JWIe then proceeds to excuse himself from discussing the 
letter at that point, on the ground that it was his intention 
to speak of it at length in his second volume. This 
second volume, however, which was not published till 
1688, ninety years after Mazzoni's death, unfortunately 
contains no reference to the letter ; whence it has been 
concluded either that his projected disquisition on the 
subject was never written, or that it was suppressed by 
his editor. 

In the seventeenth century we find notice for the 
first time of the existence of the Latin text of the letter 
to the Emperor Henry VII. This occurs in the notes 
(first printed in 1636) on the De Rcbus Gfestis Henrici 
Septimi of Albertino Mussato by Lorenzo Pignoria of 
Padua (1571-1631), who states that he had in his own 
possession a MS. of this text ; he identifies the letter with 
that mentioned by Villani, and with that printed in 
Italian by Doni, and promises to publish it — a promise 
which remained unfulfilled. 

'Dantes vatum clarissimus,' he writes, 'hisce diebus 
epistolam scripsit Henrico, quam nacti in. pervetusto 
codice, nostro manuscripto publici iuris facere decrevimus, 

1 In § 90 (numbered on the margin) of the Introduttione e Sommario, 
whieh is not paged in the original 1587 edition. 


et describi curavimus seorsum in calce spicelegii nostri, 
cum aliis nonnullis eiusdem aevi monumentis ; et eiusdem 
epistolae meminit Iobannes Villanus, lib. 9, cap. 35. 
Quam etiam Italice redditam vidimus et editam Florentiae, 
anno 1547.' * 

In the last year of this century (1700) the complete 
text of the letter to Can Grande was published at Venice 
in a literary periodical called La Galleria di Minerva? to 
which it had been communicated two years before by 
Girolamo Baruffaldi, sub-librarian of the public library at 
Ferrara, this being the first letter of Dante to be given to 
the world in the original Latin. In his dedicatory note 
to Giulio Cesare Grazzini, secretary of the Academy of 
the Intrepidi of Ferrara, Baruffaldi states that the letter, 
which he describes as ' una antica e non pubblicata Pistola 
del divino Dante Alighieri ', had been discovered a short 
time previously in a MS. in the collection of the well- 
known scholar and physician of Ferrara, Giuseppe 
Lanzoni (1663-1730), who had obligingly placed it at his 
disposal. Baruffaldi printed at the head of the letter 
a Praefatio incerti Auctoris, which runs as follows : 

It was customary in former times for writers to prefix 
to their works a few introductory remarks, which the 
briefer they were, the more quickly they led up to the 
subject of the work in question, especially in the case of 
authors who were not gifted with the elegant and correct 
style of diction proper to professed teachers of rhetoric. 
I will hasten, therefore, to acquit myself of my task, lest, 
while studying to avoid prolixity, I should fall into that 
very fault. Suffice it then that in lieu of preface I present 
the reader with what the Poet wrote to Messer Cane, to 
whom he dedicated this third cantica, whereby his inten- 

1 See Muratori, Rerum Italicarum Scriptores, x. 385. 

2 Vol. iii, pp. 220-8. 


tion in the poem may the more easily be comprehended 
from the observations to which he himself gave expression 
in the following form. 1 

This preface, which occurs in four of the six known 
MSS., 2 was reprinted by the eighteenth-century editors, 
but it has been discarded by the more recent editors of the 
letters of Dante. 

The text of the letter as printed in the Galleria di 
Minerva was full of blunders, due either to the original 
scribe or to the copyist of the Lanzoni MS. ; and in this 
corrupt form it continued to be reproduced for more than 
a hundred years. It may be mentioned that a collation 
with this text of the passages recorded above as having 
been quoted by Gelli and Borghini shows that the latter 
were not derived from the same MS. as the BarufYaldi 

Later in this century we get the first accession to the 
list of letters hitherto recorded. This consists of the 
letter to the Princes and Peoples of Italy (Epist. v), in 
an Italian version, which was printed in a collection of 
letters of the eleventh, fourteenth, fifteenth, and sixteenth 
centuries, published at Rome in 1754 by Pietro Lazzari 

1 ; Praefari aliqua in initio cuiusque operis sui antiquitas con- 
suevit, quae quanto pauciora fuerint, tanto ocius ad rem, de qua 
agitur, aditus fiet, praesertim cui curae non erit exquisita, et 
accurata locutio, quae docentibus eloquentiam convenit. Expediam 
igitur illico, ne dum studeo devitare prolixitatem, in illam ipsam 
incurrerim. Satis igitur mihi erit in loco, vice prohemii fore con- 
sultum, si quae Poeta rescribens Domino Cani, cui hanc canticam 
tertiam dedicavit, pro ipsa praefationo indiderim : quo melhis 
Poetae intentio ab eiusdem observationibus intelligatur ; quae sub 
hac forma fuere. . . . ' 

2 It is omitted in the two earliest (Cent. XV) MSS. See Bullettino 
della Societa JDantesca Italiana, N.S., xvi. 23-5 ; and below, p. 160, n. 1. 


from MSS. in the library of the Jesuits' College at Kome. 1 
Lazzari states that the MS. in which the letter occurs 
contained also the Italian version of Dante's letter to the 
Emperor, as well as Marsilio Ficino's translation of the 
De Monarchia, extracts from the Vita Nuova, and Bruni's 
lives of Dante, Petrarch, and Boccaccio. He remarks 
that the text of the letter to the Emperor differs to some 
extent from that printed by Biscioni, 2 from which he 
concludes, rightly as we now know, that both that letter 
and the one he now prints for the first time were 
originally written in Latin. 

In 1788 Giovan Jacopo Dionisi of Verona printed in 
the fourth volume of his series of Aneddoti* sundry 
variants from a MS., at that time in the Cocchi collection, 
now in the Chapter Library at Verona, of the letter to 
Can Grande ; and two years later (1790) he printed for 
the first time, in the fifth volume of the same series, the 
Latin text of yet another letter of Dante, nainely, the 
letter to a Florentine friend. 4 This letter was discovered 
at Florence in the now famous Laurentian MS., 5 usually 
known as the Zibdldonc Boccaccesco. The contents of this 
MS. had been described by Bandini in the volume of 
his catalogue of the MSS. in the Laurentian Library 6 

1 Miscellaneorum ex MSS. libris Bibliothecae Collegii Romani Societatis 
Jesu tomus primus (pp. 189-44). 

2 In Prose di Dante Alighieri e di Messer Giovanni Boccacci, -published 
at Florence in 1723 (see above, p. xxxv). 

3 Vol. iv, p. 19. 

4 Vol. v, pp. 176-7. 

5 Cod. Laurent. xxix. 8. 

c Angelo Maria Bandini (1726-1800); liis Catalogus Codicum MSS, 
Graecorum, Latinorum, et Italorum Bibliothecae Mediceae-Laurentianae was 
published at Florence in eight folio volumes in 1764-78; his 
description of MS. xxix. 8 occurs in vol. ii, pp. 9-28 (see Troya, 
Del Veltro Allegorico di Dante, pp. 202-3). 


published in 1775, but he does not appear to have had 
any inkling as to the authorship of the letter, which, 
together with two others in the same MS., he registered 
as anonymous. The Abate Mehus, however, who a few 
years before (in 1759) had printed in his Vita Ambrosii 
Camaldulensis the much discussed letter of Frate Ilario 
from this same MS., recognized Dante as the author of 
the letter to a Florentine friend, and communicated the 
fact to Dionisi, who printed it accordingly. 1 His original 
text in the Aneddoti having been very imperfect, Dionisi 
subsequently issued an emended text in his JPreparazione 
istorica e critica alla nuova edmone di Bante Allighieri, 2 
which was published at Verona in 1806. Twenty years 
later (in 1826) Carlo Troya made a fresh examination of 
the letters in the Laurentian MS., and satisfied himself 
that not only the letter to a Florentine friend, but also 
the other two letters, which immediately precede it in the 
MS., and which Bandini had catalogued as anonymous, 
were written by Dante. In the former of these two 
letters, which is headed Gardinalibus Ytalicis B. de 
Florentia, he recognized the letter mentioned by Villani 
as having been written by Dante to the Italian Cardinals 
after the death of Clement V. The second letter is headed 
Exulanti Pistoriensi florentinus exul immeritus, the addressee 
of which Troya identified with Dante's friend, Cino da 
Pistoja, an identification which has been generally 
accepted, as has that of the Florentine ' exul immeritus ' 
with Dante himself. Troya's famous Veltro Allegorico di 
Bante being at that time on the eve of publication, he was 
unable to include these two new letters in that work, but 
he announced his discovery in the book, and by way of 

1 See Troya, Del Veltro Allegorico di Dante, pp. 203-4. 
* Vol. i, pp. 71-3. 


specimen printed the first few paragraphs of the letter to 
the Cardinals in an Appendix. 1 

Besides the letters of Dante and of Frate Ilario this 
Laurentian MS. contains the poetical correspondence of 
Dante and Giovanni del Virgilio. It has recently been 
established by Henri Hauvette that these portions of the 
MS. are in the handwriting of Boccaccio, 2 who, as we 
have already stated, made use in his Vita di Bante of the 
letter to a Florentine friend, and also, it may here be 
added, of the letter of Frate Ilario in the same work. 

In 1827, the year following Troya's announcement of 
his discovery in the Laurentian MS., appeared the first 
attempt at a collected edition of the letters of Dante. 
This was Karl Witte's Dantis Alligherii Epistolae quae 
exstant, which was printed privately, in sixty copies only, 3 
at Padua in that year. The contents of this volume, the 
idea of which seems to have been suggested to Witte by 
the desire for such an edition expressed nearly a hundred 
years before by Fontanini in his Eloquenza Italianaf were 
as follows, there being seven letters in all : 

1. The Latin text of the letter to Cino da Pistoja 
(Epist. iii (iv)), now printed for the first time from a copy 
supplied by Sebastiano Ciampi from the Laurentian MS. 

2. The Italian translation of the letter to the Princes 
and Peoples of Italy (Epist. v), first printed by Lazzari at 
Kome in 1754. 

1 Del Veltro AUegorico di Dante, pp. 204-5, 214-16. 

2 See above, p. xvii, n. 2. 

3 'In nur 60 verschenkten Exemplaren,' wrote Witte of this 
volume in his article Neu aufgefundene Briefe des Dante Allighieri, 
published in 1838 in Blatterfiir literarische Unterhaltung (Nos. 149-51), 
and reprinted in Dante-Forschungen, vol. i, pp. 473-87. 

4 See Witte, Dantis Alligherii Episiolae quae exstant, p. 4 n. : ' Una ut 
ederentur [Dantis Epistolae], iam Fontaninus (Eloqu. ital. Ven. 
1737, p. 154) desideravit.' 


3. The Latin text of the letter to the Emperor Henry 
VII (Epist. vii), now printed for the first time from 
a MS. in the Biblioteca Marciana at Venice. Witte's 
attention having been drawn to the fact that extracts 
from this letter in Latin were printed in the catalogue of 
the Biblioteca Muranese, search was made at his instance 
through the good. ofnces of the Marchese Gian Giacomo 
Trivulzio, with the result that the MS. containing the 
letter was discovered by the Abate Giovanni Antonio 
Moschini, the Prefetto of the Biblioteca Marciana, 
whither the spoils of the Murano Library had been 
transferred. Besides the Latin text, Witte included an 
emended text of the Italian translation of the same letter, 
which had been first printed by Doni in 1547. 

4. The Latin text of the letter to the Italian Cardinals 
(Epist. viii), now first printed in full from the Laurentian 
MS. The lirst few paragraphs of this letter were, as we 
have seen, printed by Troya in his Veltro Allegorico in 
1826. The remainder was copied and printed by Witte 
himself in the same year in the Antologia of Florence ; ■ 
and he now printed a revised and emended text of the 
whole letter. 

5. The Latin text (revised) of the letter to a Florentine 
friend (Epist. ix), first printed by Dionisi at Verona in 

6. The Latin text (with numerous emendations) of the 
letter to Can Grande (Epist. x), first printed in full by 
Baruffaldi at Venice in 1700. 

7. The apocryphal letter, as Witte does not hesitate to 
pronounce it, 2 to Guido da Polenta, first printed by Doni 
in 1547. 

1 Vol. xxiii, p. 57. 2 He heads it < Epistola Apocrypha \ 


In 1837, ten years after the appearance of Witte's 
volume, occurred what is undoubtedly the most important 
event yet recorded in the history of the letters of Dante ; 
namely, the discovery in the Vatican Library, by a German 
student named Theodor Heyse, while collating MSS. of 
the Bivina Commedia on behalf of Witte, of a fourteenth- 
century MS. containing no less than nine letters directly 
or indirectly attributed to Dante. The history of this 
MS. , which, besides the letters of D,ante,contains Petrarch's 
twelve eclogues and Dante's De Monarcliia, 1 so far as 
it has been possible to trace it, is briefly as follows. It 
was executed in the fourteenth century, 2 apparently for 
Francesco da Montepulciano, of the family of the 
Piendibeni of that place, 3 a Tuscan notary of some dis- 
tinction, the friend and correspondent of Coluccio Salu- 
tati, the Florentine Chancellor, and successor of Filippo 
Villani in the Chancellorship of Perugia, who at the end 
of the Eclogues has written his name and the date, 
Perugia, 20 July, 1394. 4 Francesco da Montepulciano 
left his books to the Capitular Library of the Cathedral of 
Montepulciano, the greater part of which was destroyed 

1 This was one of the MSS. which was utilized by Witte in his 
edition of the treatise published at Vienna in 1874 (see p. lviii). 

2 O. Zenatti was of opinion that the original compiler of the 
collection contained in this MS. was Boccaccio (see his Dante 
e Firense, pp. 458 ff. ; see also Bulletlino della Societd Dantesca Italiana, 
N.S. x. 139). 

3 To give him his full description, Francesco di Ser Jacopo di 
Ser Piendibene da Montepulciano (see F. Novati, Epistolario di 
Coluccio Salutati, iii. 312, n. 2 ; and 0. Zenatti, Dante e Firense, 
pp. 378 ff). 

4 Francisci de Montepolitiano. Expleui corrigere 20 Iulii Perusii 1394 
(see Witte, Dante-Forschungen, vol. i, p. 474; and Zenatti, Dante 
e Firenze, p. 374). For an enumeration of the portions of the MS. 
in the handwriting of Francesco, see Zenatti, op. cit., p. 378. 


by fire in 1539 ; * but this MS. by some chance before 
that date had come into the possession of the Florentine 
scholar and biographer of Dante, Giannozzo Manetti 
(1396-1459), 2 whence it eventually passed into the col- 
lection of the celebrated bibliophile, Ulrich Fugger (1526- 
84), 3 son of Kaimund Fugger, one of the famous 
merchant-princes of Augsburg. Ulrich Fugger, whose 
extravagance in the matter of books was such that at one 
time his family obtained a decree to restrict his expen- 
diture, as is well known, became a Protestant, and to 
escape persecution took refuge in the Rhenish Palatinate 
and settled at Heidelberg, where he died in 1584, leaving 
his extensive collection of MSS. to the library of that city. 
After the capture of Heidelberg by Tilly in 1622, the 
most valuable portion of the library, consisting of nearly 
two hundred cases of MSS., was presented by Maximilian I 
of Bavaria, in return for the papal support, to Pope 
Gregory XV, and was transferred to Eome and incor- 
porated in the Vatican Library, under the superintendence 
of Leone Allacci. 4 Among the MSS. thus removed to the 

1 See F. Novati, Le Epistole di Dante, in Lectura Dantis: Le Opere 
Minori di D.A., p. 300. 

2 See Zenatti, Dante e Firenze, pp. 370-5 note, 414-19. 

3 See Zenatti, 02?. cit., pp. 372-4 note. 

4 Allacci, who was subsequently librarian of the Vatican (1661- 
69), has left an interesting account of this transaction (see 
Curzio Mazzi, Leone Allacci e la Palatina di Heidelberg, Bologna, 1893). 
Some idea of the extent of the collection may be gathered from the 
fact that Allacci estimated that the covers alone, which to facilitate 
transport he caused to be stripped from the MSS., amounted to 
thirteen wagon-loads : <Lo sgravamento delle coperte,' he writes, 
' e stato tanto necessario, poiche importava tanto e con 1' occupar il 
luogho et il peso (poiche, se si fosse fatto altrimenti, saria stato 
impossibile la condotta), poiche importava tanto quanto li doi terzi 
delli libri che mecho conduco. E per mia curiosita ho posto da 


Vatican were many which had formed parfc of the Fugger 
collection, one of them being this MS. 1 containing the nine 
letters attributed to Dante discovered by Heyse. 

Witte, having received copies of the letters from Heyse, 
wrote an account of them, with copious (translated) ex- 
tracts, in an article entitled Neu aufgefundene Briefe des 
Bante Allighieri, 2 which appeared in Blatter fur literarische 
Unterhaltung in May, 1838, and prepared to edit and 
publish them. But while he was engaged upon the work 
his portfolio containing the transcript of the letters was 
stolen from him, and it was more than two years before 
he could succeed in getting fresh copies made. 3 In the 
meantime, attention having been directed to the MS. by 
the publication of Witte's article, one of the employes at 
the Vatican Library, Massi by name, took copies of the 
letters on his own account with the intention of fore- 
stalling Witte's projected edition. Massi, however, was 
unable to obtain the necessary imprimatur, and he then 
(in the autumn of 1841) offered his copies to Alessandro 
Torri of Pisa, who had been for some time engaged upon 

parte tutte quelle coperte, per veder quanto luogho occupavano 
e quanto pesavano, e trovai che non bastavano mancho tredici carri, 
e fu giudicato che pesassero passa duecento centinara' (pp. cit., 
p. 25). 

1 Now Cod. Vaticano-Palatino Latino 1729. 

2 In this article Witte omitted to mention the name of the 
student to whom the discovery was due, an omission which he did 
not repair until four years later, in 1842, in which year he 
acknowledged his indebtedness to Heyse in the Appendix to the 
second part of Dante AlighierVs lyrische Gedichte, ubersetzt und erkldrt 
von K. L. Kannegiesser und K. Witte (p. 234). 

8 For this second transcript Witte was indebted once more to 
Heyse (see Le Lettere di Dante scoperte dal Signor Teodoro Heyse, in 
vol. ii, p. 701, of Niccolo Tommaseo's edition of the Divina Commedia, 
Milano, 1865). 

?16P f\ 


an edition of the minor works of Dante. Torri availed 
himself of the offer, and forthwith proceeded to Rome for 
the purpose of collating the copies with the original MS. 
in the Vatican. Having satisfied himself as to their 
accuracy, he included the nine letters in his volume, 
Epistole di Dante Allighieri edite e inedite, which was 
published at Leghorn at the end of the following year 
(1842). * It should be mentioned that before the publica- 
tion of Torri's volume Witte had printed the text of one 
of the letters in the Vatican MS. in an Appendix to 
the second volume of Dante Alighieri y s lyrische Gedichte, 2 
published by Karl Ludwig Kannegiesser and himself at 
Leipzig earlier in the same year. 

Of the letters contained in the Vatican MS. all except 
one, namely that to the Emperor Henry VII, were now 
made known for the first time, or for the first time in the 
original Latin text. The letters, in the order of their 
occurrence in the MS., are as follows : 

1. To the Emperor Henry VII (Epist. vii), the Latin 
text of which had been printed by Witte in his collected 
edition in 1827 from the Marcian MS. 

2. To the Florentines (Epist vi) — 'scelestissimis FJoren- 
tinis intrinsecis ', the title and contents of which prove it 
to be the abusive letter mentioned by Bruni and Manetti 
as having been written by Dante to the Florentines after 
the coming of Henry VII into Italy. 3 

3. 4, 5. Three short letters written in the name of 
a Countess of Battifolle to Margaret of Brabant, wife of 
the Emperor Henry (Epist. vii*, vii**, vii***). 

1 See Witte's article, Torris Ausgabe von Dantes Briefen, in Dante- 
Forschungen, vol. i, pp. 489-90 ; and Torri, op. cit., pp. vii-viii. 
a Pp. 235-6. 
8 See above, pp. xxii-v. 


6. To the Counts Oberto and Guido da Eomena 
(Epist. ii). 

7. To the Marquis Moroello Malaspina (EpisL iv (iii)), 
this being the letter mentioned above as having been 
printed by Witte in Dante's lyrisclie Gedichte. 1 

8. To the Cardinal Niccolo da Prato (Epist. i). 

9. To the Princes and Peoples of Italy (Epist. v), which 
had been printed in an Italian version by Lazzari in 1754. 

Of these nine letters, five are definitely ascribed to 
Dante by name in the MS. ; while it is evident, from the 
places assigned to them in the midst of the others, that 
the remaining four, namely the three to the Empress 
and that to the Cardinal Niccolo, were regarded by the 
compiler of the collection as having been written by 

With Torri's edition of the letters finality was reached 
so far as numbers are concerned. This total consisted of 
fourteen letters, which was made up of/the three from the 
Laurentian MS., the nine from the Vatican MS., the letter 
to Can Grande, and the letter to Guido da Polenta ; that 
is to say, his edition included the ten letters now usually 
accepted as Dante's (Epistles i to x in the Oxford Dante), 
together with the three Battifolle letters, as to which 
doubts still exist, 2 and the Polenta letter, now almost 
universally recognized as a falsification. 

In 1857 Fraticelli published at Florence a revised 
edition of the letters, in which were embodied sundry 
emendations, the results of a fresh collation of the MSS. by 

1 See p. 1, n. 2. 

2 For the arguments in favour of their having been written by 
Dante, see Moore, The 'BattifoUe' Letters sometimes attributed to Danie, 
in Modern Language Review, ix. 173-89 (reprinted in Studies in 
Dante, Fourth Series). 



Witte ; x which, however, were by no means always im- 
provements, for textual criticism, in spite of Witte's 
reputation as critic and editor, was not altogether his 
strongest point. 

In 1882 Giuliani published, also at Florence, an edition of 
all the letters, 2 with characteristic emendations of his own ; 
while from time to time, in the course of the last sixty 
years or so, critical or diplomatic texts of individual letters 
have been printed by various editors, for example, by Torri- 
celli (Epist v), 3 Muzzi (Epist. iii (iv), viii, ix), 4 Zenatti (Epist. 
i, iv (iii)), 6 Torraca (Epist. iv (iii)), 6 Della Torre (Epist. ix), 7 

1 Fraticelli writes in his Proemio : ' II dotto alemanno prof. Witte 
. . . non pago di quanto avea fatto la prima volta, volle di nuovo 
riscontrare i codici e confrontare le varie lezioni ; e nuovamente 
portando il suo esame critico sopra ogni frase ed ogni parola del 
testo, pote rettificare molti passi disordinati, rendere intelligibili 
varie frasi oscure, e correggere parecchi e pareechi errori. E quan- 
tunque del suo accurato lavoro avess* egli determinato valersi per 
una ristampa, pure per un tratto d' impareggiabil cortesia ha 
voluto esserne con me liberale, affinche io me ne giovassi per 
1' edizione presente. La lezione dunque del testo latino, che or 
per me si produce, e interamente al Witte dovuta ' {Opere Minori di 
Dante, ed. 1893, vol. iii, p. 408). In 1855 Witte printed from 
a fifteenth-century MS. at Munich an improved text of the first 
four paragraphs of the letter to Can Grande (Epist x) (see Dante- 
Forschungen, vol. i, pp. 500-7), of which Fraticelli does not appear 
to have availed himself. 

2 In the second volume of his Opere Latine di Dante (pp. 1-73). 

3 In the Antologia di Fossombrone for October 22, 1842 (see my 
article on The S. Pantaleo Text of Dante's Letters to the Emperor Henry 
VII, and to the Princes and Peoples of Italy, in Modern Language Review, 
vol. vii, p. 215, n. 1). 

4 In Tre Epistole Latine di Dante Allighieri, Prato, 1845. 

5 In Dante e Firenze, pp. 359-60, 431-2. 

6 In BuUettino della Societd Dantesca Italiana, N.S., x. 143. 

7 In Bullettino della Societd Dantesca Italiana, N.S., xii. 122-3. 


Boffito (Epist. x), 1 Novati (Epist. iv (iii)), 2 Kostagno (Epist. 
viii), 3 and Parodi (Epist. iii (iv)). 4 

In 1895 Barbi drew attention in the Bullettino della 
Societa Bantesca Italiana 5 to yet another MS., the fourth, 
containing letters of Dante. This was the fourteenth- 
century San Pantaleo MS. in the Biblioteca Vittorio 
Emanuele at Kome, 6 which had been registered by Colomb 
de Batines in his Bibliografia Bantesca 7 fifty years before, 
but had strangely been overlooked by all the editors of the 

During the last few years diplomatic texts of the two 
letters contained in this San Pantaleo MS., of the one in 
the Venetian MS., of the nine in the Vatican MS., and of 
the three in the Laurentian MS., together with emended 
texts of ten of the letters (viz. Epist. iii (iv), v, vi, vii, viii, 
ix, x, and the three Battifolle letters), have been printed in 
the Modern Language Beview 8 by the present writer, with 
a view to the improvement of the text in the Ox/ord 
Bante, and as a preparation for the present edition. 

The critical edition of the letters, undertaken by the 
Italian Dante Society, which was entrusted originally to 
Novati, 9 and, since his death, to Pistelli (who recently 

1 In Memorie deUa Reale Accademia delle Scienze di Torino, Serie ii, 
tom. lvii. 

3 In Dante e la Lunigiana, pp. 518-20. 

3 In Sul Testo della Lettera di Dante ai Cardinali Italiani, in La Biblio- 
filia (November, 1912). 

4 In Bullettino della Societa Dantesca Italiana, N.S., xix. 271-2. 

5 N.S., ii. 23 n. 

6 Cod. S. Pantaleo 8. 

7 Vol. ii, pp. 208-9. 

8 For a list of these articles, see Preface, p. v, n. 2. 

9 Novati published an article on Le Epistole di Dante in Lectura 
Dantia: Le Opere Minori di D. A., Firenze, 1906 (pp. 285-310) ; and 


printed trial texts of Epist. vii and ix), 1 is still awaited, 
and now, owing to the war, is not likely to see the light 
for some time after the latest term originally fixed by the 
Society, namely, the sixth centenary of the death of Dante 
in September, 1921. 2 

another on V Epistola di Dante a Moroello Malaspina in Dante e la Luni- 
giana, Milano, 1909 (pp. 507-42). 

1 In the Appendix (pp. 199-221) to Piccola Antologia della Bibbia 
Volgata, con Introduzioni e Note, per cura di Ermenegildo Pistelli, 
Firenze, 1915. 

2 The foregoing Introduction, being concerned mainly with the 
history of the text of the letters, contains no mention (save inciden- 
tally) of translations and critical essays. As regards translations — 
Italian versions are included in the editionsof the letters published 
by Fraticelli (Firenze, 1840, 1857, &c.) and by Torri (Livorno, 1842) ; 
there is a German translation by Kannegiesser (Leipzig, 1845) ; 
and there are two English translations, one by the late C. S. Latham 
{Dante^s Eleven Letters, Boston, 1891), the other by P. H. Wicksteed 
(in Translation of the Latin Works of Dante, London, 1894). Further 
details as to these and other translations are given in the intro- 
ductory notes prefixed to each letter in the body of the work. 
Critical essays are numerous ; deserving of special mention here are 
the article by the late A. Della Torre on ' L'Epistola all' Amico 
Fiorentino', in Bullettino della Societa Dantesca Italiana, N.S., xii. 
121-74 ; that by the late F. Novati in the volume Lectura Dantis : 
Le Opere Minori di Dante Alighieri (Firenze, 1906) ; and two by the late 
Dr. Edward Moore, on 'The Epistle to Can Grande' (in Studies in 
Dante. Third Series. Oxford, 1903), and on 'The Battifolle Letters ' 
(in Studies in Dante. Fourth Series. Oxford, 1917). References to 
many other articles of importance will be found in the admirable 
indices to the volumes of the BuUettino della Societd Dantesca Italiana, 
edited originally by M. Barbi, and latterly by E. G. Parodi. 

%* Since the above Introduction was written (1916) another text 
of the Epistolae has been published, viz. that contained in the edition 
of Dante's Latin prose works issued at Florence in 1917 by 
G. Barbera (see below, p. 2, n. 1). This text, which, as is acknow- 
ledged in the Avvertenza prefixed to the volume, is largely based 
upon the texts printed by me in the Modern Language Review, is 
reproduced withoUt alteration in the edition of Tutte le Opere di Dante 
issued by the same firm two years later. 


Epistle i (' Praeceptis salutaribus monitV). 

To the Cardinal Niccolo da Prato [1304]. 
Epistle ii (' Patruus vester Alexander'). 

To the Counts Oberto and Guido da Roinena [1304]. 
Epistle iii (iv) (' Eructuavit incendium'). 

To a Pistojan Exile [c. 1305]. 

Epistle iv (iii) (' Ne lateant dominum'). 

To the Marquis Moroello Malaspina [c. 1309]. 
Epistle v (' Ecce nunc tempus acceptabile '). 

To the Princes and Peoples of Italy [Sept. or Oct., 1310]. 
Epistle vi (' Aeterni pia providentia Regis '). 

To the Florentines [March 31, 1311]. 

Epistle vii (' Immensa Dei dilectione testante '). V/ 
To the Emperor Henry VII [April 17, 1311]. 

Epistle vii* (' Gratissima regiae Benignitatis epistoW). 
To the Empress Margaret [April, 1311]. 

Epistle vii** (' Regalis epistolae documenta'). 
To the Empress Margaret [April or May, 1311]. 

Epistle vii*** (' Quum pagina vestrae Serenitatis'). 
To the Empress Margaret [May 18, 1311]. 

Epistle viii (' Quomodo sedet sola civitas '). 

To the Italian Cardinals [May or June, 1314]. 
Epistle ix (' In literis vestris '). 

To a Friend in Florence [May, 1315]. 
Epistle x (* Inclyta vestra£ Magnificentiae laus '). 

To Can Grande della Scala [c. 1319]. 



Page 1, n. 1,/or Introduction read see Introduction, pp. xlvii ff. 
Page 65, 1. 16, for Modern Language Review, xiv. 111-12 read Intro- 

duction, p. xxv, n. 1. 
Page 92, n. 1, for (§ 15, I. 6). read (§ 15, 1. 6), 
Page 98, n. 2, after Introduction insert p. xxvi. 
Page 107, n. 8, after Introduction insert p. xxvi. 
Page 161, 1. U,for 9. Fraticelli read 10. Fraticelli. 

1. 15, for 10. Giuliani (1861) etc. read 9. Giuliani 

(1856) : in Del Metodo di commentare la Divina Commedia (Savona, 

1856 ; pp. xviii-xlvi) ; reprinted (with corrections) in 

Metodo di commentare la Commedia di Dante Allighieri (Firenze, 

1861 ; pp. 14-40). 
Page 162, 1. 16, for 3. Fraticelli read 4. Fraticelli. 

1. 17,/or 4. Giuliani (1861) etc. readS. Giuliani (1856) : 

in Del Metodo di commentare la Divina Commedia (pp. xix-xlvii) ; 

reprinted (with corrections) in Metodo di commentare la Com- 

media di Dante AUighieri (pp. 15-41). 


('Praeceptis salutaribus mo?iiti') 
To the Cardinal Niccolo da Prato 


MSS. — This letter has been preserved in one MS. only, 
Cod. Vaticano-Palatino Latino 1729 (Cent. xiv) in the Vatican \ 
which contains, besides Dante's De Monarchia 2 , and Petrarch's 
twelve Eclogues, nine letters attributed to Dante, viz. (in the 
order in which they occur in the MS.): to the Emperor 
Henry VII (Epist. vii) ; to the Florentines (Epist. vi) ; three 
to the Empress Margaret of Brabant (the so-called Battifolle 
letters 3 ); to the Counts Oberto and Guido da Romena (Epist. ii) ; 
to Moroello Malaspina (Epist. iv (iii)) 4 ; to the Cardinal Niccolo 
da Prato (Epist. i) ; and to the Princes and Peoples of Italy 
(Epist. v). 

Printed Texts.— 1. A. Torri (1842): Epist. i, in Epistole 
di Dante Allighieri edite e inedite (Livorno, 1842; pp. 2-4). 
2. P. Fraticelli (1857) : Epist. i, in Opere Minori di Dante 
Alighieri (Firenze, 1857 ; vol. iii, pp. 438-40). 3. G. B. Giuliani 
(1882) : Epist. i, in Opere Latine di Dante Allighieri (Firenze, 
1882 ; vol. ii, pp. 3-5). 4. E. Moore (1894) : Epist. i, in Tutte 
le Opere di Dante AUghieri 5 (Oxford, 1894; second edition, 
1897; third edition, 1904; pp. 403-4). 5. 0. Zenatti (1901): 
in Dante e Firenze (Firenze, 1901 ; pp. 359-60). 6. G. L. Passerini 

1 For the history of this MS., Introduction. 

2 This was one of the MSS. utilized by Witte in his edition of 
the treatise published at Vienna in 1874 (see p. lviii of that work). 

3 Here numbered Epist. vii*, vii**, vii***; see pp. 106, 112, 116. 

4 Epist. iii in the Oxford Dante. 
6 The Oxford Bante, 

2165 B 


(1910) : Epist. i, in Opere Minorl di Dante Alighieri (Firenze, 1910 ; 
vi, pp. 4-10). 7. Paget Toynbee (1912): (diplomatic transcript 
of the MS. text, together with collations of the various readings 
of the several printed editions of the letter, and alist of proposed 
emendations in the Oxford text) in Modern Language Review 
(Cambridge, 1912 ; vol. vii, pp. 29-32). 8. [A. Della Torre] a 
(1917): Epist. iii, in De Monarchia e De Vulgari Eloquentia con 
le Epistolae e la Quaestio de Aqua et Terra di Dante Alighieri 
(Firenze, 1917 ; pp. 235-8). 

Translations.— Italian. 1. Torri (1842) : op. cit, pp. 3-5. 
2. Fraticelli (1857) : op. cit., pp. 439-41. 3. Passerini (1910) : 
op.cit., pp. 5-11. — German 2 . 1. K. L. Kannegiesser (1845): in 
Dante AlighierC sprosaische Schriften mit Ausnahme der Vita Nuova 
(Leipzig, 1845; Theil ii, pp. 163-6). 2. G. A. Scartazzini 
(1879) : (extracts) in Dante Alighieri, seine Zeit, sein Leben und 
seine Werke (Frankfurt a. M., 1879; pp. Uh-fy.—English. 
1. C. S. Latham (1891): in A Translation of Dante's Eleven 
Letters (Boston, U.S.A., 1891 ; pp. 1-5). 2. P. H. Wicksteed 
(1904) : in Translation of the Latin Works of Dante Alighieri 
(London, 1904; pp. 295-7). 3. Paget Toynbee : (see below, 
pp. 9-11). 

Authenticity. — This letter, which is addressed to the 
Cardinal Niccolo da Prato on behalf of the Captain (Alessandro 
da Romena), Council (of which Dante was a member) 8 , and 

1 The name of the editor is not given on the title-page ; but it 
appears from the publishers' note prefixed to the edition of Tutte le 
Opere di Dante Alighieri issued at Florence by the same firm 
(G. Barbera) in the present year (1919) that the editor was the late 
Prof. Arnaldo Della Torre. In this latter work the 1917 Barbera 
text of the Ehistolae is reproduced without alteration. 

2 An abstract of the letter, with a German translation of the last 
paragraph, was published by Witte in 1838 in his article Neu 
aufgefundene Briefe des Dante Allighieri, in Blcitter fur literarische Vnter- 
haltung (Leipzig ; Nos. 149-51), which was reprinted in the first 
volume of his Dante-Forschungen (Heilbronn, 1874 ; see pp. 475-6). 

8 Leonardo Bruni, in his Vita di Dante, says that after his banish- 


whole party of the Bianchi of Florence, is not ascribed to 
Dante by name in the MS., but it was evidently, like the 
three Battifolle letters, considered by the compiler 1 of the 
collection to have been written by Dante ; and this attribution 
is commonly accepted. 2 

Date.— The Cardinal da Prato (Niccolo degli Albertini), 
Bishop of Ostia and Velletri, who had been appointed by 
Benedict XI 'pacificator in Tuscairy, Romagna, the March 
of Treviso, and the parts adjacent' on Jan. 31, 1304 3 , arrived 
in Florence in this capacity on March 10 following 4 , and it is 
probable that this letter was addressed to him by Dante from 
Arezzo on behalf of the exiled Florentines either shortly 
before 5 or shortly after 6 his arrival in that city— at any rate 
in the spring or early summer of 1304, before his final de- 

ment from Florence Dante decided to make common cause with 
the other Florentine exiles, who fixed their headquarters at 
Arezzo, where they remained until 1304 : ' finalmente fermarono 
la sedia loro ad Arezzo, e quivi ferono campo grosso e crearono loro 
capitano il conte Alessandro da Romena ; feron dodici consiglieri, 
del numero dei quali fu Dante : e di speranza in speranza stettero 
infino alP anno milletrecento quattro '. Bruni makes the same 
statement in his Historia Florentina (see Zenatti's Bante e Firenze, 
p. 363, where the passage is quoted). 

1 The original compiler of the collection was probably Boccaccio 
(see Zenatti, op. cit, pp. 458-9 ; and Bullettino della Societa Bantesca 
Italiana, N.S. x. 139). 

2 Not, however, by Del Lungo — see his Bino Compagni e la sua 
Cronica, vol. ii, pp. 585-96 ; and see below, p. 4, n. 2. 

3 See Potthast, Begesta Pontijicum Bomanorum, No. 25349. Niccol6, 
who was a Ghibelline (Villani, viii. 69), had been created Cardinal 
in the previous year ; he took part in the coronation of Henry VII 
at Rome on June 29, 1312 (Villani, ix. 43 ; DinoCompagni, iii. 36) ; 
and was one of the Colonnesi party at Carpentras in 1314 (see note 
on date of Epist. viii) ; he died at Avignon on April 1, 1321, a few 
months before Dante. 

4 Dino Compagni, iii. 4 ; Villani, viii. 69. 

* See Torraca, in Bull. Soc. Bant. Ital, N.S. x. 126-7. 
6 See Zenatti, op. cit, pp. 361-4. 



parture from Florence at the beginning of June 1 , after his 
failure to effect a pacification 2 . 

Summary. — § 1. The exiles acknowledge receipt of a letter 
from the Cardinal, and crave indulgence for their delay in 
replying to it, on the ground that the matters in question 
required careful consideration, and necessitated frequent con- 
sultation with other members of the league. § 2. They express 
their gratification at his promise to restore peace to Florence, 
which, they protest, was the sole object of their own recourse 
to arms ; and declare that no words of theirs would be adequate 
to convey their thanks for so great a service to themselves and 
to Florence. § 3. They, further, acknowledge a communication 
by word of mouth from a messenger despatched to them by the 
Cardinal, charging them (as did his letter) to abstain from all 
acts of warfare, and to submit themselves unreservedly to his 
discretion ; which they pledge themselves to do, as his messenger 
will inform him, and as they will cause to be published abroad 
in due form. § 4. In conclusion they pray that he may restore 
peace to Florence, and implore his protection for themselves 
and their coadjutors, finally pledging themselves once more to 
render strict obedience to his behests. 

Reverendissimo in Christo Patri, dominorum suorum 
carissimo, domino Nicholao*, miseratione coelesti 

MS. = Cod, Vat.-Palat. Lat. 1729 0. = Oxford Bante 
a MS. Richolao 

1 Dino Compagni (iii. 7) gives June 9 as the date of his de- 
parture ; Villani (viii. 69) says June 4. 

2 Del Lungo, who does not impugn the authenticity of the letter 
as a genuine document, holds (loc. cit.) that it was written subse- 
quently to the exiles' abortive attempt from Lastra to force an 
entry into Florence on July 20 ; and that consequently the writer 
could not have been Dante, who by that time, as seems to be 
certain, had separated himself from ' la compagnia malvagia 
e scempia ' (Par. xvi. 62) of his fellow-exiles. But the arguments 
adduced in support of this contention are not convincing. 


Ostiensi et Vallatrensi Episcopo, Apostolicae Sedis 
Legato, necnon in* Tuscia, Romaniola, et Marchia 
Tervisina b , et partibus circum adiacentibus Paciario 
per sacrosanctam Ecclesiam ordinato \ devotissimi 
filii Alexander c2 Capitaneus 3 , Consilium* et Univer- 
sitas Partis Alborum de Florentia semetipsos devo- 
tissime atque promptissime recommendant. 

§ 1. Praeceptis salutaribus moniti 5 et Apostolica 

a MS. et b 0. et Maritima, terris ° MS. .A. 

1 The Bull of Benedict XI appointing the Cardinal Niccolo da 
Prato 'pacificator' is registered by Potthast in Regesta Pontificum 
Romanorum under date Jan. 31, 1304 : ■ Nicolaum Ostiensem epi- 
scopum in provinciis Tusciae, Bomaniolae, marchiae Tarvisinae ac 
partibus circumiacentibus constituit pacis conservatorem ac pacia- 
rium' (No. 25349). 

2 In the MS. the name is not given at length, but only the 
initial. The use of the initial alone, for the name, in the 
* salutatio ' of a letter, except in the case of a Pope, was according 
to rule. In the Formularius de modo prosandi of Baumgartenberger 
(c. 1300) it is laid down : ' Nomen papae ex integro debet poni in 
salutacione . . . quod non fit in aliis. In aliis quidem pro persona 
mittentis seu etiam recipientis prima litera proprii nominis 
ponitur ' (apud Bockinger, Uber Briefsteller und Formelbiicher des Mittel- 
aUers, p. 729). The omission of a title (such as Comes or Dominus) 
before Alessandro's name was equally according to rule : — ' Nota 
quod in salutatione non debent poni nomina quae pertineant 
ad laudem mittentis, sed tantum recipientis ' (Guid. Fabe Summa 
Dictaminis. Cap. vii. De propria commendatione tollenda ; quoted by 
Novati in Lectura Dantis : Opere Minori di Dante, p. 309). 

3 The election by the Florentine exiles of the Count Alessandro 
da Bomena as their captain is recorded by Bruni in his Vita di Dante 
(see above, p. 2, n. 3). 

4 Of this council, which consisted oftwelve, Dantewasamember 
(see Bruni, loc. cit.). 

5 These words are taken (as Dr. Edmund Gardner kindly in- 
forms me) from the prelude to the Lord's Prayer in the Canon of 


Pietate a } rogati, sacrae vocis contextui quem misistis, 
post cara nobis consilia, respondemus. Et si negli- 
5 gentiae sontes aut ignaviae censeremur ob iniuriam 
tarditatis, citra iudicium discretio sancta vestra praepon- 5 
deret 2 ; et quantis qualibusque consiliis et responsis, 
observata sinceritate consortii 3 , nostra b fraternitas 

10 decenter procedendo indigeat, et examinatis quae tan- 
gimus 4 , ubi forte contra debitam celeritatem defecisse 
despicimur, ut affluentia c vestrae Benignitatis d 6 indul- 10 
geat deprecamur. 

15 § % Ceu filii non ingrati literas igitur piae Paterni- 
tatis 6 aspeximus, quae totius nostri f desiderii perso- 
nantes exordia, subito mentes nostras subito g tanta lae- 

20 titia perfuderunt, quantam nemo valeret seu verbo seu 15 
cogitatione metiri. Nam quam, fere prae h desiderio 
somniantes G , inhiabamus patriae sanitatem, vestrarum 
literarum series 7 plusquam semel sub paterna monitione 

a 0. pietate b MS. uestra c MS. affluentie d 0. benignitatis 
e 0. Paternitatis vestrae f MS. uestri B O. omits subito h 0. pro 

the Mass : ' Praeceptis salutaribus moniti, et divina institutione 
formati, audemus dicere : Pater noster . . .' 

1 Instances of Pietas as a title are given by Du Cange : cf. 1. 61 of 
this same letter. 

2 Cf. Epist. v. 40-2. 

3 This league (' compagnia ') was formed in the spring of 1303 ; 
cf. Dino Compagni (ii. 32), where he gives a list of the members. 

4 Dr. Heberden has suggested to me that the awkward construc- 
tion of the text as it stands may be due to the accidental misplace- 
ment (cf. Epist. viii. 154 n.) of these four words, which would come 
more naturally at the beginning of the clause ; thus : ' et exami- 
natis quae tangimus, quantis qualibusque consiliis etc.'. 

5 Cf. ' regia Benignitas ', as a title of honour, in the first Batti- 
folle letter (Epist. vii*). 

6 Cf. V.E. ii. 6, 11. 38-9. 

7 Cf. Epist. iii. 7. 


25 polluxit a . Et ad quid aliud in civile bellum corruimus ? 
Quid aliud candida nostra b signa * petebant ? Et ad 20 
quid aliud enses et tela nostra c rubebant d2 , nisi ut 
qui civilia iura temeraria voluptate 3 truncaverant, et 

30 iugo piae legis 4 colla submitterent, et ad pacem patriae 
cogerentur ? Quippe nostrae intentionis cuspis 5 legitima 
de nervo quem tendebamus prorumpens, 6 quietem solam 25 
et libertatem populi Florentini petebat — petiit, atque 

35 petet e in posterum. Quod si tam gratissimo nobis 
beneficio vigilatis, et adversarios nostros, prout sancta 
conamina vestra f voluerint^ ad sulcos bonae civilitatis 

40 intenditis remeare, quis vobis dignas grates persolvere 7 30 

a 0. pollicetur b MS. uestra ° MS. uestra d MS. rubeant 
e 0. petebat, petit, atquepetet f MS., O. nostra 

1 As tokens of peace; cf. Dino Compagni (iii. 10) : 'Si schierarono 
. . . con le insegne bianche spiegate, e con ghirlande d' ulivo . . . 
gridando pace . . . Molto fu bello a vederli, con segno di pace, 
stando schierati \ 

2 A reference to the warfare in the Mugello in 1302 and 1303 
recorded by Dino Compagni (ii. 29 ff.) and Villani (viii. 53, 60) ; 
see Chronological Table in Appendix. 

3 Parodi points out (Bull. Soc. Bant. Ital, N.S. xix. 267) that 
voluptas (often written volumptas) was an old form ofvoluntas, and he 
quotes the expression ' ex voluptate testamenti \ Giovanni da 
Genova in his Catholicon (s. v. volunias) says : ' Voluntas, a volvo -vis 
dicitur hec voluntas -tis per n ; et hec voluptas -tis per p. Voluntas 
per n est desiderium nondum adepte rei ; set voluptas per p est rei 
adepte delectatio bone vel male/ (Cf. Conv. iv. 6, 11. 104-5.) 

4 Cf. Epist. vi. 30 : 'iugum libertatis'. 

6 Cf. Par. xiii. 105 : ' lo stral di mia intenzion \ 

6 Cf. Purg. xxv. 17-18 ; Par. iv. 60. 

7 Aen. i. 600-5 : ' Grates persolvere dignas Non opis est nostrae, 
Dido, nec quidquid ubique est Gentis Dardaniae, magnum quae 
sparsa per orbem. Di tibi, si qua pios respectant numina, si quid 
Usquam iustitia est, et mens sibi conscia recti, Praemia digna 
ferant ' ; and ii. 536-8 : ' Di, si qua est coelo pietas quae talia curet, 


attentabit ? Nec opis est nostrae, pater, nec quidquid 
Florentinae gentis reperitur in terris ; sed si qua coelo 
est pietas quae talia remuneranda prospiciat, illa vobis 

45 praemia digna ferat l s qui tantae urbis misericordiam 
induistis, et ad sedanda civium profana litigia festinatis. 35 

§ 3. Sane, quum per sanctae religionis virum, fratrem 
L. 2 , civilitatis persuasorem et pacis, praemoniti atque 

50 requisiti sumus instanter pro vobis, quemadmodum et 
ipsae vestrae literae continebant, ut ab omni guerrarum 
insultu cessaremus et usu, et nos ipsos in paternas manus 40 

55 vestras exhiberemus in totum, nos filii devotissimi vobis 
et pacis amatores et iusti, exuti iam gladiis, arbitrio 
vestro spontanea et sincera voluntate subimus, ceu 
relatu praefati vestri nuntii, fratris L., narrabitur, et per 

60 publica instrumenta solemniter celebrata liquebit. 45 

§ 4. Idcirco Pietati a B clementissimae vestrae filiali 
voce affectuosissime supplicamus, quatenus illam diu 
exagitatam Florentiam 4 sopore tranquillitatis et pacis 

65 irrigare velitis ; eiusque semper populum defensantes 
nos et qui nostri sunt iuris, ut pius pater, commendatos 50 
habere ; qui velut a patriae caritate 5 nunquam destiti- 

70 mus, sic de praeceptorum vestrorum limitibus nunquam 
exorbitare intendimus; sed semper tam debite quam 
devote quibuscumque vestris obedire mandatis. 

a O. pietati. 

Persolvant grates dignas, et praemia reddant Debita'. Compare 
the use made of the first passage in the first Battifolle letter 
(Epist. vii*), as well as in Epist. ii. 8 ; and cf. Par. iv. 121-3. 

1 See previous note. 

2 There is no clue to the identity of this individual. 
8 See above, p. 6, n. 1. 

4 Cf. Purg. vi. 149-51, where Dante compares Florence to a woman 
restlessly tossing on a bed of sickness. 

5 Cf. Inf. xiv. 1 : ' la carita del natio loco '. 



To the most reverend Father in Christ, their most beloved Lord, 
the Lord Nicholas, by divine grace JBishop of Ostia and 
Velletri, Legate of the Apostolic See, and by Holy Church 
ordained Pacificator in Tuscany, Bomagna, the March of 
Treviso, and the regions circumadjacent, his most devoted 
sons, Alexander the Captain, the Council, and the ivhole 
body of the WJiite Party of Plorence, commend themselves 
in all devotion and zeal. 

§ 1. In submission to salutary admonishment, and in 
response to the Apostolic Holiness, after precious con- 
sultation, we make reply to the tenour of the sacred 
utterance which you have addressed to us. And should 
we be held guilty of negligence or of slothfulness by 
occasion of any prejudice due to our tardiness, may 
your holy discretion lean to the hither side of con- 
demnation, regard being had to the number and nature 
of the consultations and communications necessary for 
the proper conduct of the affairs of our brotherhood, and 
for the observance of good faith with the league. But 
if, after consideration of the facts here submitted to you, 
we perchance be blamed as having been wanting in due 
diligence, we pray that the superabundant bounty of your 
Benignity may incline you to indulgence. 

§ 2. As not ungrateful sons, therefore, we examined 
the letter of your gracious Paternity, which, in that 
it gives expression to the prelude of the whole matter 
of our desires, forthwith filled our minds with joy so 
exceeding great that by none could it be measured either 
in word or in thought. For the healing of our country, 
for which we have yearned, longing for it as it were 
even in our dreams, in the course of your letter, under 
the guise of fatherly admonition, is more than once 
promised us. And for what else did we plunge into 
civil war? What else did our white standards seek? 
And for what else were our swords and our spears 
dyed with crimson? Save that they, who at their 
own mad will and pleasure have maimed the body of 


civil right, should submit their necks to the yoke of 
beneficent law, and should be brought by force to the 
observance of their country's peace ! In sooth, the lawful 
shaft of our purpose, leaping from the bowstring we held 
stretched, sought solely the peace and liberty of the people 
of Florence — sought, and ever will seek. But if your 
vigilance is intent on a consummation so dear to us, and 
you are resolved, as the end of your holy endeavours, that 
our foes shall return to the furrows of good citizenship, 
who shall attempt to render adequate thanks to you? 
Not in our power is it, O Father, nor in that of any 
of the Florentine race throughout the world. But if 
there exists any goodness in heaven which looks upon 
such deeds as worthy of recompense, may it grant meet 
reward to you, who have clothed yourself with com- 
passion for so great a city, and are hastening to compose 
the unholy strife of her citizens ! 

§ 3. Whereas, then, by brother L., a man of holy 
religion, and an advocate of good citizenship and of 
peace, we are urgently on your behalf admonished and 
required (which was likewise the import of your letter) 
to cease from all assault and act of war, and to commit 
ourselves wholly to your fatherly hands, we as sons most 
devoted to yourself, and as lovers of peace and justice, 
putting off our swords, of our own free will and without 
reservation submit ourselves to your judgement, as by 
the report of your messenger, the aforesaid brother L., 
shall be made known to you, and by public instruments 
in due form shall be declared abroad. 

§ 4. With filial voice, therefore, we most aifectionately 
implore that your most merciful Holiness may bedew 
with the calm of tranquillity and peace this Florence 
so long tempest-tossed ; and that as a loving father you 
may keep under your protection ourselves, who have 
ever been the defenders of her people, and all who are 
under our authority ; for as we have never been remiss 
in our love for our country, so we look never to stray 
beyond the bounds of your behests, but always in duty 
and devotion to be obedient to your commands, what- 
soever they be. 



( f Patruus vester Alexander ') 
To the Counts Oberto and Guido da Romena 


MSS.~ This letter, like the preceding, has been preserved in 
one MS. only, Cod. Vaticano-Palatino Latino 1729 (Cent. xiv) 
in the Vatican, in which it occurs sixth in order of the nine 
letters contained in the MS., being placed between the three 
Battifolle letters (Epist. vii*, vii**, vii***) and the letter to 
Moroello Malaspina (Epist. iv (iii)). 1 

Printed Texts. 2 — 1. Torri (1842): Epist. ii (op. cit., p. 8). 
2. C. Troya (1856) : in Del Veltro Allegorico de' GhibeUini (Napoli, 
1856; pp. 304-6). 3. Fraticelli (1857): Epist. ii (op. cit., 
pp. 446-8). 4. Giuliani (1882) : Epist. ii (op. cit, pp. 5-6). 
5. Moore (1894) : Epist. ii (op. cit., p. 404). 6. Passerini (1910) : 
Epist. ii (op. cit., pp. 12-16). 7. Paget Toynbee (1912) : (diplo- 
matic transcript of the MS. text, together with collations of the 
various readings of the several printed editions of the letter, 
and list of proposed emendations in the Oxford text) in Modern 
Language Review (vol. vii, pp. 24-6). 8. [Della TorreJ (1917) : 
Epist. iv (op. cit., pp. 238-40). 

Translations. 3 — Italian. 1. Torri (1842): op. cit., p. 9. 
2. Fraticelli (1857): op. cit., pp. 447-9. 3. Passerini (1910): 
op. cit., pp. 13-17. — German} 1. Kannegiesser (1845): op. cit., 

1 Epist. iii in the Oxford Dante—see above, p. 1. 

2 For titles of editions referred to here as already quoted, see 
above, pp. 1-2. 

3 For titles of editions referred to here as already quoted, see 
above, p. 2. 

4 An abstract of the letter, with extracts from it in German, 
was published by Witte in 1838 in his article Neu aufgefundene 


pp. 167-8. 2. Scartazzini (1879) : in Dante AUghieri, seine Zeit, 
sein Leben und seine Werlce (pp. 370-1). — English. 1. Latham 
(1891): op. cit, pp. 35-6. 2. Wicksteed (1904): op. cit., 
pp. 298-300. 3. Paget Toynbee (see helow, pp. 17-18). 

Authenticity. — The original title of this letter, which was 
written to the Counts Oberto and Guido, sons of Aghinolfo 
da Roniena, to condole with them on the death of their uncle 
Alessandro, has not been preserved. The heading in the MS., 
which assigns the letter to Dante, and gives the names of 
the addressees, obviously did not form part of the original 
composition. The information which it supplies (which is 
independent of the letter itself ) was no doubt derived by the 
original compiler 1 of the collection from an earlier authority 
no longer extant. The attribution of the letter to Dante is 
by no means universally accepted, chiefly on account of the 
difficulty of reconciling the terms in which Alessandro is 
spoken of in the letter with the severe condemnation of him 
by Dante in the Infemo (xxx. 76 rT.). 2 If Dante was the writer 
of the letter, we must suppose that he did not become ac- 
quainted with the facts referred to in the Commedia until some 
time after Alessandro's death. 3 

Date. — The date to be assigned to the letter must remain 
conjectural, as that of the death of Alessandro da Romena has 
not been ascertained. There are plausible grounds, however, 
for supposing Alessandro's death to have taken place in the 
spring or summer of 1304, that is to say, between the date 
of the previous letter 4 and that of the attempt of the exiles 
on Florence from Lastra on July 20 of that year. In the 

Briefe des Dante Allighieri (see above, p. 2, n. 1), which was reprinted 
in his Dante-Forschungen (see vol. i, pp. 476-8). 

1 Probably Boccaccio (see above, p. 3, n. 1). 

2 See, for instance, Del Lungo, Dino Compagni e la sua Cronka, 
vol. ii, p. 594. 

3 See Zenatti, Dante e Firenze, pp. 345-6 ; and Torraca, in Bull. 
Soc. Dant. Ital., N.S. x. 137 ; and his Comento on Inf. xxx. 77. 

4 See above, p. 3. 


accounts of this attempt * no mention is made of Alessandro, 
who, as captain of the league, should naturally have headed 
the expedition ; whence it has been assumed that he died 
before that date. Further, if the writer of the letter was Dante, 
it follows that it must have been written before the same date, 
since the writer speaks of the death of Alessandro as having 
been a cruel blow to the hopes of the exiles, and to himself 
among them, who placed in Alessandro his hopes of a return 
to Florence (11. 20-6) ; thus showing that the writer was in 
association with the exiles at the date of the letter, whereas 
Dante almost certainly had finally dissociated himself from 
the exiles before the attempt from Lastra of July 20. 2 The 
letter, then, if written by Dante, may be assigned with every 
appearance of probability to the spring or early summer 
of 1304. 

Summary. — § 1. The writer declares his devotion for the 
deceased, whose memory he will ever cherish ; recalls his 
virtues, showing how his character was in keeping with the 
device on his escutcheon ; and deplores his death as a heavy 
blow to the hopes of his party, the writer included, who had 
looked to him to restore their fortunes. § 2. Yet consolation 
is to be found in the thought that his virtues have gained him 
a place of honour in the heavenly Jerusalem ; wherefore those 
who now enter upon his earthly heritage are urged not to 
grieve for his loss overmuch, but to seek, as his heirs, to follow 
in his footsteps. § 3. In conclusion, the writer craves to be 
excused for his absence from the funeral rites, on the score 
of the poverty brought upon him by exile, which has deprived 
him of the means of making a fitting appearance on the 

1 Dino Compagni, iii. 10; Villani, viii. 72. 

2 See Torraca, in Bull. Soc. Dant. Ital, N.S. x. 130-1. 


\Hanc epistolam scripsit Dantes Alagherii* Oberto et 
Guidoni, Comitibus de Romena \ post mortem Alexan- 
dri, Comitis de Romena 2 , patrui eorum, condolens 
illis h de obitu suo.] 

§ 1. Patruus vester Alexander, comes illustris, qui 
diebus proximis coelestem unde venerat secundum 
spiritum 3 remeavit ad patriam, dominus meus erat, et 

5 memoria eius usque quo sub tempore vivam dominabitur c 
mihi ; quando magnificentia sua, quae super astra nunc 5 
affluenter dignis praemiis muneratur d4 , me sibi ab an- 

10 nosis temporibus sponte sua fecit esse subiectum e . Haec 
equidem cunctis aliis virtutibus comitata in illo, suum 
nomen prae titulis 5 Italorum aereum f illustrabat. Et 
quid aliud heroica sua signa 6 dicebant, nisi ' scuticam » 10 

15 vitiorum fugatricem ostendimus ' ? Argenteas etenim 
scuticas h in purpureo deferebat * extrinsecus, et intrin- 
secus mentem in amore j virtutum vitia repellentem. 

MS. = Cod. Vat.-Palat. Lat. 1729 0. = Oxforcl Bante 

a MS. allagerij ; . Aligherius. b MS. illius c MS. dominabatur 
d MS. me netatur e O. subditum f 0. heroum s MS. senticam 

11 MS. senticas ' MS. deferrebat j MS. iam more 

1 Oberto and Guido were the two eldest sons of Aghinolfo da 
Eomena, elder brother of Alessandro da Romena, of the Conti 
Guidi (see Table accompanying Torraca's article on Aghinolfo da 
Romena in Bull. Soc. Bant. Ital, N.S. xi. 107). 

2 As to the date of his death, see above, pp. 13-14. 

3 Cf. Rom. viii. 4 ; Gal. iv. 29. 

4 Cf. Aen. i. 605 : ' Praemia digna ferant ' ; for other reminis- 
cences of this same passage of the Aeneid, see note on Epist. i. 

6 Cf. Epist. iii (iv). 11 : *ut titulum mei nominis ampliares'. 
6 Cf. the references to family cognizances in Inf. xvii. 52-73 ; 
xxvii. 41-50. 


Dpleat, ergo, doleat progenies maxima Tuscanorum, 
20 quae tanto viro fulgebat ; et doleant omnes amici eius 15 

et subditi, quorum spem mors crudeliter verberavit ; 

inter quos ultimos me miserum dolere cportet, qui, a 
25 patria pulsus et exul immeritus *, infortunia mea con- 

tinua cura rependens 2 , spe a memet consolabar b in illo. 
§ 2. Sed quamquam, sensualibus amissis 3 , doloris 20 

amaritudo incumbat, si considerentur intellectualia quae 
30 supersnnt, sane mentis oculis 4 lux dulcis consolationis 

exoritur. Nam qui virtutem c honorabat in terris, nunc 

a MS. infortunia mea repenclens continuo cura spe ; 0. infortunia mea 
rependens, continuo cara spe b MS. consolabat c 0. virtutes 

1 Dante describes himself as ' exul immeritus ' in the titles of his 
letters to Cino da Pistoja (Epist. iii (iv)), to the Princes and Peoples 
of Italy (Epist. v), to the Florentines (Epist. vi), and to the 
Emperor Henry VII (Epist. vii). 

2 The word repenclens appears to have got displaced in the MS. 
Similar transpositions of words, due to carelessness, or sometimes 
to a ' cacoethes corrigendi ', on the part of the scribe, are frequent 
in MSS. An instance occurs in the text of Epist. vii, where (in 
1. 151) the Vatican MS. reads in bella furialiter, while the San 
Pantaleo and Venetian MSS. read furialiter in bella (see Bull. Soc. 
Bant. Ital., N.S. xix. 259, n. 2, where numerous instances are given 
from the MSS. of the letters of Coluccio Salutati ; see also the 
remarks upon 'pie' in Moore's Studies in Bante, iv, pp. 6, 33 ; and 
see note on Epist. viii. 154 below). 

3 The MS. reading violates the cursus, which may be restored by tho 
transposition of the two words ' amissis sensualibus ' (giving a form 
of tardus). Parodi suggests (Bull. Soc. Bant. Ital, N.S. xix. 263) 
that a monosyllable has dropped out, and that 'sensualibus 
niinc amissis ' (velox) should be read. Perhaps the missing word is 
iam (in MS. id or iam). 

4 Cf. Mon. ii. 1, 11. 17-18 : ' mentis oculos infixi ' ; Epist. v. 163 : 
' aperite oculos mentis vestrae ' ; Epist. viii. 146-8 : ' qualis est . . . 
ante mentales oculos affigatis oportet ' ; Conv. ii. 5, 11. 116-17 : 'gli 
occhi della mente umana' ; Bar. x. 121 : Tocchio della mente'. 


a Virtutibus al honoratur in coelis, et qui Ronmnae 
aulae palatinus 2 erat in Tuscia, nunc regiae 3 sempi- 25 

35 ternae aulicus praeelectus, in superna Ierusalem cum 
beatorum principibus gloriatur. Quapropter, carissimi 
domini mei, supplici exbortatione vos deprecor, qua- 
tenus modice dolere b velitis et sensualia postergare, 

i>0 nisi prout vobis exemplaria esse possunt ; et quemad- so 
modum ipse iustissimus bonorum sibi vos instituit in 

a 0. virtutibus b MS. dolore 

1 That is, the Virtues, as one of the Orders of the Celestial 
Hierarchies (cf. Par. xxviii. 122 ; Conv. ii. 6, 1. 51). 

2 The founder of the family of the Conti Guidi was made 
Count Palatine in Tuscany in the tenth century by the Emperor 
Otto I ; cf. Villani, iv. 1 : ' Questo Otto ammendo molto tutta 
Italia, e mise in pace e buono stato ; e abbatte le forze de' tiranni ; 
e al suo tempo assai de' suoi baroni rimasono signori in Toscana 
e in Lombardia. Intra gli altri fu il cominciamento de' conti 
Guidi, il quale il primo ebbe nome Guido, che '1 fece conte Pala- 
tino, e diegli il contado di Modigliana in Komagna . . .' The 
title was regularly employed as part of the Counts' official 
description, and as such occurs repeatedly in the Regesta Ponti- 
ficum Romanorum ; e. g. a bull of Innocent IV (Oct. 28, 1243) refers 
to ' Guidonem dictum Guerram Comitem palatinum Tusciae ' (ed. 
Potthast, No. 11166); Honorius IV (Feb. 9, 1287): < Guidoni de 
Battifollis Comiti Tusciae palatino concedit . . .' (Potth. 
No. 22557); Boniface VIII (Feb. 14, 1300): 'Tegrino comiti in 
Tuscia palatino ad sedandas discordias inter eum ex parte una 
et Manfredum ac Giuglielmum fratres et Guidonem Novellum 
nepotem ipsorum comites in Tuscia palatinos . . .' (Potth. 
No. 24911), etc, etc. Cf. the titles of the three Battifolle letters 
(Epist. vii*, vii**, vii***), in which the Countess of Battifolle (a 
branch of the Conti Guidi) is described as ' Comitissa in Tuscia 
Palatina '. 

3 On the distinction between aula and regia, the two terms here 
used, cf. the Graecismus of Ebrardus Bethuniensis, xii. 52-3 : ' Aula 
domus comitum, sed regia mansio regum, Induperatorum sunt celsa 
palatia ditum.' 


haeredes, 1 sic a ipsi vos, tamquam proximiores ad illum, 
mores eius egregios induatis. 

45 § 6. Ego autem, praeter haec, me vestrum vestrae 
djscretioni excuso de absentia lacrymosis exequiis ; quia 35 
nec negligentia neve ingratitudo me tenuit, sed inopina 

50 paupertas quam fecit exilium. Haec etiam, velut 
effera persecutrix, equis armisque vacantem, iam suae 
captivitatis me detrusit in antrum, et nitentem cunctis 
exsurgere viribus, huc usque praevalens, impia retinere io 

molitur. 2 

a MS. ai 


[This letter was written by Dante Alighieri to the Counts 
Oberto and Guido da Bomena, after the death of their 
uncle, Count Alessandro da Momena, to condole ivith them 
on his decease.] 

§ 1. Your uncle, the illustrious Count Alessandro, who 
in these last days returned, after the spirit, to the heavenly 
fatherland whence he came, was my Lord, and his memory 
will have dominion over me so long as my life shall last 
in this world ; for his nobility of soul, which now is 
richly recompensed with meet rewards beyond the stars, 
for long years past, as he willed, made me his servant. 
And verily this quality, accompanied as it was in him by 
all the other virtues, caused his name to stand out, as it 
were in bronze, above the fame of other Italians. And 
what else did his heroic escutcheon proclaim, but that 
' we display the scourge that drives away vice ' ? for as 

1 Torraca points out (Bull. Soc. Dant. ItaL, N.S. x. 131, n. 1) that 
it was doubtless as the heirs of Alessandro that Dante addressed 
his letter of condolence to Oberto and Guido, rather than to their 
father Aghinolfo. 

2 For other references to the poverty brought upon Dante by his 
exile, cf. Conv. i. 3. 11. 19-37 ; Par. xvii. 58-60 ; Epist. x. 600-1. 

218 5 C 


his outward blazon he bore silver scourges on a purple 
field, 1 and inwardly a mind repellent of vice in its love 
of virtue. Lament, therefore, lament, thou noblest of the 
houses of Tuscany, that shone with the light of so great 
a man ! Lament, all ye his friends and servants, whose 
hope death hath so cruelly stricken ; and among the last, 
woe is me ! must I too lament, who, driven from my 
country, in undeserved exile, was wont, as I brooded 
over my unhappy fate with unceasing anxiety, to console 
myself with the hope which I rested in him. 

§ 2. But although the bitterness of grief weigh upon 
us for the Ipss of corporeal things, yet, when we consider 
the intellectual things which remain, surely before the 
eyes of the mind must arise the light of sweet consolation. 
For he, by whom virtue was honoured on earth, is now 
held in honour of the Virtues in heaven ; and he who was 
a Palatine of the Court of Rome in Tuscany now glories 
as a chosen courtier with the princes of the Blest in the 
everlasting palace of the Jerusalem which is above. 
Wherefore, my beloved Lords, with humble exhortation 
I beseech you to grieve not overmuch, and to put behind 
you bodily concerns, save in so far as they may serve you 
for examples ; and as he himself, a most just man, 
appointed you to be the heirs of his possessions, so do 
you, as those nearest to him, clothe yourselves with his 
most excellent qualities. 

§ 3. But I must add a word on my own behalf, in 
appeal to your judgement, to excuse myself, as your 
servant, for my absence from the mournful ceremony ; 
for it was neither neglect nor ingratitude which kept me 
away, but the unlooked-for poverty brought about by 
exile. Poverty, like a vindictive fury, has thrust me, 
deprived of horses and arms, into her prison den, where 
she has set herself relentlessly to keep me in durance ; 
and though I struggle with all my strength to get free, 
she has hitherto prevailed against me. 

1 Heraldically, 'purpure, scourges argent '. 



(' Eructuavit inccndium ') 


[c. 1305] 

MSS. — This letter has been preserved in one MS. only, Cod. 
xxix. 8 2 in the Laurentian Library at Florence, which contains 
three letters attributed to Dante, viz. (in the order in which 
they occur in the MS.) : to the Italian Cardinals (Epist. viii) ; 
to a Pistojan Exile ; and to a Friend in Florence (Epist. ix). 
This MS., which was executed probably about the year 1348, 
belonged to Boccaccio, and the portion containing the three 
letters attributed to Dante, and certain other pieces, 3 is in his 
handwriting. 4 

Printed Texts. 5 — 1. Witte (1827) ; Epist. iv, in Dantis Alli- 
gherii Epistolae quae exstant 6 (Patavii, 1827; pp. 14-16). 2. 
Fraticelli (1840) : Epist. i, in Dantis Aligherii Epistolae quae 
exstant (Florentiae, 1840 ; pp. 202-8). 3. Torri (1842) : Epist. iv 
(op. cit., pp. 20-2). 4. L. Muzzi (1845) : Epist. ii, in Tre Epistole 
Latine di Dante Allighieri restituite apiu vera lezione (Prato, 1845 ; 
pp. 19-22). 5. Fraticelli (1857): Epist. iv, in Opere Minori di 
Dante Alighieri (vol. iii, pp. 458-60). 6. Giuliani (1882) : Epist. 
iv (op. cit., pp. 10-12). 7. Moore (1894): Epist. iv (op. cit., 
p. 405). 8. Passerini (1910): Epist. iv (op. cit., pp. 22-6). 9. 
E. G. Parodi (1912) : (dipiomatic transcript of the MS. text 7 ) 

1 Epist. iv in the Oxford Dante (see below, p. 21, n. 4). 

2 The well-known so-called Zibaldone Boccaccesco. 

3 Including the letter of Frate Ilario to Uguccione delJa 
Faggiuola and the Latin poetical correspondence between Dante 
and Griovanni del Virgilio. 

4 See Hauvette, Notes sur des manuscrits autographes de Boccace a la 
Bihliotheque Laurentienne, pp. 50 ff. 

5 For titles of editions referred to here as already quoted, see 
above, pp. 1-2. 

6 Privately printed, 60 copies only. 

7 Supplied by E. Kostagno. 



in Bullettino della Societa Dantesca Italiana (N. S. xix. 271-2). 
10. Paget Toynbee (1917) : (diplomatic transcript of the MS. 
text, 1 together with collations of the various readings of the 
several printed editions of the letter, and a list of proposed 
emendations in the Oxford text) in Modern Language Review 
(vol. xii, pp. 39-41). 11. Paget Toynbee (1917) : (emended text) 
in Modern Language Revieio (vol. xii, pp. 41-2). 12. [Della Torre] 
(1917) : Epist. vii (op. cit., pp. 244-6). 

Translations. 2 — Italian. 1. Fraticelli (1840) : op. cit, 
pp. 203-5. 2. M. Missirini (1842) : in Torri, op. cit., pp. 21-3. 
3. Muzzi (1845): op. cit., pp. 32-3. 4. Fraticelli (1857): 
(revised trans.) op. cit., pp. 459-61. 5. Passerini (1910) : op. cit., 
pp. 23-7,— German. Kannegiesser (1845) : op. cit., pp. 172-4.— 
English. 1. Latham (1891) : op. cit., pp. 129-32. 2. Wicksteed 
(1904): op. cit., pp. 305-6. 3. Paget Toynbee (1917): in 
Modern Language Review, vol. xii, pp. 42-4 (see below, pp. 27-8). 

Authenticity. — The writer of the letter, who describes 
himself in the title as ■ Florentinus exul immeritus ' — a de- 
scription which occurs in the titles of three undoubted letters 
of Dante, viz. to the Princes and Peoples of Italy (Epist. v), 
to the Florentines (Epist. vi), and to the Emperor Henry VII 
(Epist. vii), as well as in the text of the letter to the Counts 
Oberto and Guido da Romena (Epist. ii. 24) — was first identified 
as Dante by Carlo Troya in 1826 in his Del Veltro Allegorico di 
Dante (pp. 204-5), and this identification has been generally 
accepted, as has that of the Pistojan exile with Dante's friend 
Cino da Pistoja. 

Date. — This letter was formerly referred to a date subsequent 
to 1307, in which year Cino was supposed to have been expelled 

1 This was made from the facsimile of the MS. published at 
Florence in 1914 in (belated) commemoration of the sixth cen- 
tenary of the birth of Boccaccio (1313) — Lo Zibaldone Boccaccesco 
Mediceo Laurenziano (Plut. xxix. 8). In Firenze, presso Leo S. 
Olschki. MCMXIV. 

2 For titles of editions referred to here as already quoted, see 
above, p. 2. 


from Pistoja with the Bianchi ; but as the result of recent 
research it appears that Cino belonged, not to the Bianchi, 
but to the Neri, and that his exile from Pistoja coincided with 
that of the Neri from 1301 to 1306. 1 Consequently, if Cino 
be the Pistojan exile of the title, the letter must have been 
written during the period between those two dates — probably 
in 1305 or 1306 2 — and certainly before the letter to Moroello 
Malaspina, 3 which has hitherto been placed third (instead of 
fourth as now) in order of the letters of Dante. 4 

Summary. — § 1. Cino having inquired 5 as to whether the 
soul can pass ' from passion to passion ' j § 2. Dante replies 
that the answer is in the affirmative, as will be found in the 
poem 6 subjoined to his letter. § 3. That it is so is proved by 

1 See A. Corbellini, Cino da Pistoja : Amore ed Esilio (Pavia, 1898) ; 
and M. Barbi in Bull. Soc. Dant. Ital., N.S. vi. 209, 247. 

2 See Zenatti, Dante t Firenze, pp. 245 ff. 

3 See below, pp. 31-2. 

4 In the present work, in order so far as possible to avoid con- 
fusion in the case of these two letters, the old numeration has 
been given (in brackets) as well as the new. 

5 In his sonnet beginning 'Dante, quando per caso s'abbandona' 
(see below, p. 26, n. 1). 

6 This poem has been identified with the sonnet, • Io sono stato 
con Amore insieme' (Son. xxxvi in the Oxford Dante), which in 
accordance with the convention of the day is in the same rhymes 
as that of Cino (see below, p. 26, n. 1). This correspondence between 
Dante and Cino on the subject of the mutability of love was 
known to Cecco d' Ascoli (1257-1327), who refers to it in his 
Acerba ; he holds that love ' Non si disparte altro che per morte ', 
and he takes upon him to confute Dante's theory : — 

Ma Dante rescrivendo a misser Cino, 

Amor non vide in questa pura forma, 

Che tosto avria cambiato suo latino : 

Io sono con Amore stato insieme. 

Qui pose Dante, che nuovi speroni 

Sentir puo il fianco con la nuova speme. 

Contra tal detto dico quel ch' io sento, 

Formando filosofiche rasoni — 

Se Dante poi le solve, io son contento. 

(IV. i, 11. 61-72.) 


experience, and may be confirmed by reason, as he proceeds 
to show; §4. and by authority, namely that of Ovid in his 
tale of Apollo and Leucothoe. § 5. In conclusion, he exhorts 
Cino to arm himself with patience against ' the slings and 
arrows of outrageous fortune ' in exile. 

Exidanti Pistoriensi Florenthms exul immeritus per 
tempora diuturna salidem et perpetuae caritatis 

§ 1. Eructuavit a * incendium tuae dilectionis verbum 
ad me confidentiae vehementis, b 2 in quo consuluisti, 
carissime, utrum de passione in passionem possit anima 

5 transformari 3 : de passione in passionem, dico, secun- 
dum eandem potentiam et obiecta diversa numero sed 5 
non specie ; quod, quamvis ex ore tuo iustius prodire 

10 debuerat, nihilominus me illius auctorem facere voluisti, 
ut c in declaratione rei nimium dubitatae titulum 4 mei 
nominis ampliares. Hoc etenim, quum d cognitum e5 , 

MS. = Cod. Laurent. xxix. 8 0. = Oxford Dante 

a 0. Eructavit b MS. confidentie uehementis ame ; 0. c. v. ad me 

c MS. et d MS., 0. quam e 0. iucundum 

1 Cf. Psalm xliv. 2. Both eructo and eructuo are given (s. v. ructus) 
by Giovanni da Genova in the Catholicon : ' ructo, -as, idest ructum 
facere, vel emittere ; et exprimere. Unde ructuo, -as in eodem 
sensu . . . et componitur, ut . . . eructo, -as, eructuo, -as\ Both 
forms occur in the De Vidgari Eloquentia (in the MSS. as well as in 
the editio princeps), viz. eructuo in i. 11, 1. 38 ; and eructo in ii. 4, 1. 17. 

2 The MS. reading violates the cursus, which is rectified by the 
transposition in the text, ' confidentiae vehementis ' (velox). 

3 Cino's sonnet in which the inquiry was made is given below 
(see p. 26, n. 1). 4 Cf. Epist. ii. 12. 

5 K. Sabbadini proposes to read quam congruum (see Bull. Soc. Dant. 
Ital., N.S. xxii. 62 ; and Mod. Lang. Rev. vii. 359). The reading 


quam acceptum, quamque a gratum exstiterit, absque 10 
15 importuna diminutione verba non caperent bl : ideo, 

causa conticentiae huius inspecta, ipse quod non ex- 

primitur metiaris. 

§ % Redditur, ecce, sermo Calliopeus 2 inferius, quo 
20 sententialiter canitur, quamquam transumptive more 15 

poetico signetur intentum, amorem c3 huius posse torpe- 

scere atque d denique interire, nec non huius (quod cor- 

ruptio unius generatio sit alterius 4 ) in anima refor- 

mari. e 5 
25 § 3. Et fides huius, quamquam ab experientia sit 20 

persuasum, f 6 ratione potest et auctoritate muniri. 

a MS. quam quam b MS. carent ; 0. capiunt c 0. signetur, 

intentum amorem d MS. acque e 0. nec non quod corruptio unius 

generatio sit alterius in anima reformati f MS., 0. quamquam sit ab 

experientia persuasum 

adopted in the text, quum cognitum, is an emendation due to Della 
Torre (see Parodi, in Bull. Soc. Dant. Ital., N.S. xxv. 89). 

1 This emendation, which occurred independently to Sabbadini 
and to myself (see Mod. Lang. Rev. vii. 359), is confirmed by Epist. 
vi. 18, where the identical phrase occurs again. 

2 Namely, the subjoined sonnet. 

3 This emendation of the textus receptus is also due to Sabbadini, 
who suggests (loc. cit.) that intentum (in the sense of ' meaning') is 
the subject of signetur, and not an adjective qualifying amorem, as 
usually taken. This correction also rectifies the cursus (giving 
a planus ' signetur intentum '), which is violated by the clausula, 
1 poetico signetur ', of the old reading. 

4 Aristotle, De Gen. et Corrupt. i. 3. 

5 The construction is : ' canitur . . . amorem huius (' for one 
object') posse . . . interire, nec non [amorem] huius ('for 
another object') . . . in anima reformari '. For tbis use of hic 
. . . hic, cf. Mon. iii. 16, 11. 65-6 (' haec . . . haec ') ; V.E. ii. 12, 
11. 87-8 (< hi . . . hi ') ; Epist. x. 3-4 (< hos . . . hos ')• 

6 The MS. reading violates the cursus, which is rectified by the 
transposition in the text, ' (ab experi)entia sit persuasum ' (velox). 


Omnis namque a potentia quae post corruptionem unius b 

30 actus non deperit, naturaliter reservatur in alium : ergo 
potentiae sensitivae, manente organo, per corruptionem 
unius b actus non depereunt, et naturaliter reservantur c 25 
in alium. Quum igitur potentia concupiscibilis, quae 

35 sedes amoris est, sit potentia sensitiva, manifestum est 
quod post corruptionem unius passionis, qua in actum 
reducitur, in alium reservatur. Maior et minor pro- 
positio d syllogismi, quarum facilis 6 patet introitus, 30 
tuae diligentiae relinquantur f probandae. 

40 § 4. Auctoritatem g vero Nasonis, quarto De Rerum 
Transformatione, quae directe atque ad literam b pro- 
positum respicit, superest ut intueare 11 ; f scilicet ubi ait 

45 auctorf J ' 2 (et quidem k in fabula trium sororum contem- 35 
tricium 1 in m semine Semeles 3 ) ad Solem loquens (qui 

a 0. enim b 0. eius c MS. reseruatur d MS. prepositio ° 0. facile 
f MS. relinguatur B MS. auctoritaie h MS. lictera 5 MS. super 
ut intueare ; 0. sedulus intueare j MS. subtraxit aut k MS. 

equidem ' MS. contentricum m 0. contemtricium Numinis in 

1 Witte took the MS. reading to be sed ut intueare, out of which 
he evolved sedulus intueare. But the actual MS. reading is super 
ui intueare, for which I propose to read, with Sabbadini (l«c. cit.) 
and Pistelli (Bull. Soc. Dant. Ttal., N.S. xxiv. 60), superest ut intueare, 
as above. 

2 The reading in the text is an ingenious conjecture of Witte's, 
who supposes that the original reading (corrupted in the MS. to 
subtraxit aut) was s. ubi ait aut. Sabbadini (loc. cit.) proposes to read 
'superest ut (or 'sequitur ut') intueare sub transitu ; ait equidem 
in fabula . . . \ 

3 That is, Bacchus ; the allusion is to the story told by Ovid 
(Metam. iv. 1-35, 389-415) of the three daughters (Alcithoe, 
Arcippe, and Leucippe) of Minyas of Boeotia, who refused to join 
in the worship of Bacchus during his festival, and spent the time 
weaving instead, whereupon they were changed into bats, and 
their work into a vine. 


nymphis aliis derelictis atque neglectis in quas prius 

exarserat a , noviter Leucothoen * diligebat) : ' Quid nunc 

Hyperione b nate \ 2 et reliqua. 3 
50 § 5. Sub hoc, frater carissime, ad potentiam c quod d 40 

contra Rhamnusiae 64 spicula sis patiens f te exhortor. 

Perlege, deprecor, Fortuitorum Remedia 5 , quae ab incly- 
55 tissimo philosophorum Seneca nobis, velut a patre filiis 

ministrantur; et illud de memoria sane^ tua non defluat 6 : 

' Si de mundo, fuissetis, mundus quod suum erat dili- 45 

geret.' 7 

a MS. exarsera b MS. operione c MS. prootentiam 

A MS.quam e US.raynusie f MS. paties e M.S. sana 

• x Daughter of the Babylonian king Orchamus ; the reference is 
to Ovid's account (Metam. iv. 192 ff.) of how Apollo (as the Sun) 
was taunted with having deserted all the other nymphs whom he 
had loved, and with being enslaved by Leucothoe alone. 
2 That is, Apollo (the Sun). 

Quid nunc, Hyperione nate, 
Forma colorque tibi radiataque lumina prosunt ? 
Nempe tuis omnes qui terras ignibus uris, 
Ureris igne novo ; quique omnia cernere debes 
LeucothoSn spectas, et virgine figis in una 
Quos mundo debes oculos . . . 

Diligis hanc unam ; nec te Clymeneque Rhodosque, 
Nec tenet Aeaeae genetrix pulcherrima Circes, 
Quaeque tuos Clytie quamvis despecta petebat 
Concubitus, ipsoque illo grave vulnus habebat 
Tempore. Leucothoe multarum oblivia fecit. . . . 

{Metam. iv. 192-7, 204-8.) 
4 Name applied to Nemesis, the goddess of retributive justice 
(Ovid, Metam. iii. 406 ; xiv. 694 ; Trist. v. 8, 9), from a celebrated 
temple in her honour at Rhamnus in Attica. 

6 The Liber ad Galionem de Eemediis Fortuitorum of Martinus 
Dumiensis, Archbishop of Braga (d. c. 580), commonly in the 
Middle Ages attributed to Seneca. 

6 Cf. the similar phrase in Epist. vii. 76-7 : ' ab Augusti circum- 
spectione non defluat'. 7 John xv. 19. 



[Io sono stato con Amore insieme 
Dalla circolazion del Sol mia nona, 
E so com'egli affrena e come sprona, 
E come sotto a lui si ride e geme. 

Chi ragione o virtu contro gli spreme 
Fa come quei che'n la tempesta suona, 
Credendo far cola dove si tuona 
Esser le guerre de'vapori sceme. 

Perd nel cerchio della sua balestra 
Liber arbitrio giammai non fu franco, 
Si che consiglio invan vi si balestra : 

Ben puo con nuovi spron punger lo fianco, 
E qual che sia '1 piacer ch' ora n' addestra, 
Seguitar si convien se 1'altro e stanco.] 1 

1 See above, p. 21, n. 6 ; Cino's sonnet, to which the above is the 
reply, is as follows : — 

Dante, quando per caso s'abbandona 
II disio amoroso de la speme, 
Che nascer fanno gli occhi del bel seme, 
Di quel piacer, che dentro si ragiona, 

I* dico poi se morte gli perdona ; 

Se poi ella tien piii delle duo streme ? 
L'alma gentil, la qual morir non teme, 
Se tramutar si puo'n altra persona? 

E cio mi fa quella, che e maestra 

Di tutte cose, e per quel ch' io sent' anco 
L'entrata lascio per la ria finestra ; 

Per lei che '1 mio creder non e manco 
Che prima stato sia, o dentro, o estra, 
Rotto mi sono ogni mie ossa e fianco. 

(ed. Ciampi, Son. cxxix.) 
This sonnet, the text of which apparently is corrupt, was translated 
by Rossetti in Dante and his Circle, p. 187. 



To the Exile from Pistoja a Florentine undeservedly in exile 
wishes health through long years and thc continuance of 
fervent love. 

§ 1. The warmth of your affection has addressed to me 
an expression of signal confidence, wherein, my dearest 
friend, you put the question whether the soul can pass 
from passion to passion ; that is to say, from one passion 
to another, the nature of the passion remaining the same, 
but the objects being different, not in kind, but in 
identity. Although the answer would more properly 
have come from your own lips, you have nevertheless 
chosen to make me the arbiter, to the end that by the 
solution of this much debated question you might en- 
hance the renown of my name. How welcome, how 
grateful this was to me when I heard of it, words could 
not convey without falling lamentably short of the truth ; 
wherefore you, being acquainted with the cause of my 
reticence, must yourself take the measure of what I have 
left unexpressed. 

§ 2. Behold, there is given below a discourse in the 
diction of Calliope, wherein the Muse declares in set 
phrase (though, as poets use, the meaning is conveyed 
under a figure) that love for one object may languish and 
finally die away, and that (inasmuch as the corruption of 
one thing is the begetting of another) love for a second 
may take shape in the soul. 

§ 3. And the truth of this, although it is proved by 
experience, may be confirmed by reason and authority. 
For every faculty which is not destroyed after the con- 
summation of one act is naturally reserved for another. 
Consequently the faculties of sense, if the organ survives, 
are not destroyed by the consummation of one act, but 
are naturally reserved for another. Since, then, the 
appetitive faculty, which is the seat of love, is a faculty 
of sense, it is manifest that after the exhaustion of the 
passion by which it was brought into operation it is 
reserved for another. The major and minor propositions 


of the syllogism, the entrance to which lies open without 
difficulty, may be left to your diligence for proof. 1 

§ 4. It remains to consider the authority of Ovid in 
the fourth book of the Metamorphoses, which bears 
directly and literally upon our proposition ; fnamely, the 
passage wherein the author sayst 2 (in the story of the 
three sisters who were contemptuous of the son of 
Semele), addressing the Sun, who after he had deserted 
and neglected other nymphs of whom he had previously 
been enamoured, was newly in love with Leucothoe, 
' What now, Son of Hyperion ', and what follows. 

§ 5. In conclusion, dearest brother, I exhort you, so 
far as in you lies, 3 to arm yourself with patience against 
the darts of Nemesis. Kead, I beg you, the Bemedies 
against Fortune, which are offered to us, as it were by 
a father to his sons, by that most farnous philosopher 
Seneca ; and especially let that saying not pass from your 
memory: 'If ye were of the world, the world would 
love his own.' 


[I have passed my days in fellowship with Love 
E'er since the circling Sun my ninth year closed ; 
I know how he can ply or curb or spur, 
And how folk laugh or groan who are his thralls. 

1 The argument appears to be as follows : Every faculty not 
destroyed by one act is reserved for another act ; but, every faculty 
of sense (if the organ survives) is a faculty not destroyed by one 
act ; therefore, every faculty of sense (if the organ survives) is 
reserved for another act ; but, the appetitive faculty is a faculty 
of sense ; therefore, the appetitive faculty (if the organ survives) 
is reserved for another act. 

2 This sentence is inserted conjocturally in the Latin text (see 
above, p. 24, n. 2). 

3 'Ad potentiam'; Fraticelli takes the meaning to be : ' with 
regard to, a propos of faculties ' (' dopo di questo che le nostre 
potenze risguarda'). 


Reason or virtue who 'gainst him puts forth 
Is like to one should pipe amid the storm, 
And think thereby to quell the thunder's rage, 
And calm the warring elements on high. 

Wherefore within the compass of his darts 
Free-will for ever in his danger lies ; 
'Gainst him in vain will counsel's shaft be sped. 

For with new spur his victim's flank he'll ply; 
And be the new-born passion what it may, 
This will be master, if the other pall.] 


('Ne lateant dominum') 

To the Marquis Moroello Malaspina 

[c. 1309] 

MSS. — This letter, like that to the Cardinal Niccolo da Prato 
(Epist. i) and that to the Counts of Romena (Epist. ii), has been 
preserved only in the Cent. xiv Vatican MS. (Cod. Vat.-Palat. 
Lat. 1729), in which it occurs seventh in order of the nine 
letters contained in the MS., being placed between Epist. ii and 
Epist. i. 2 

Pkinted Texts. 3 — 1. Witte (1842) : in Dante AlighierPs 
lyrische Gedichte, ubersetzt und erklart von K L. Kannegiesser 
und K. Witte (Leipzig, 1842; Part ii, pp. 235-6). 2. Torri 
(1842) : Epist. iii (op. cit., p. 12). 3. Troya (1856) : in Del Vel- 
tro Allegorico de 1 Ghibellini (pp. 307-8). 4. Fraticelli (1857) : 
Epist. iii (op. cit., p.454). 5. Giuliani (1882) : Epist. iii (op. cit., 
pp. 6-7). 6. Moore (1894) : Epist. iii (op. cit., pp. 404-5). 7. 
Zenatti (1901): in Dante e Firenze (pp. 431-2). 8. F. Torraca 
(1903) : in Bullettino della Societa Dantesca Italiana (N.S., x. 143). 

1 Epist. iii in the Oxforcl Dante (see above, p. 21, n. 4). 
- See above, p. 1. 

3 For titles of editions referred to here as already quoted, see 
above, pp. 1-2. 


9. F. Novati (1909) : (with photographic reproduction from the 
MS.) in Dante e la Lunigiana (Milano, 1909 ; pp. 519-20). 10. 
Passerini (1910) : Epist. iii (op. <&., pp. 18-20). 11. Paget 
Toynbee (1912) : (diplomatic transcript of the MS. text, together 
with collations of the various readings of the several printed 
editions of the letter, and a list of proposed emendations in the 
Oxford text) in Modern Language Review (vol. vii, pp. 27-9). 
12. [Della Torre] (1917) : Epist. vi. (op. cit, pp. 243-4). 

Translations. 1 — Italian. 1. Torri (1842): op. cit., p. 13. 
2. Fraticelli (1857) : op. cit., p. 455. 3. G. Pascoli (1902) : in 
La Mirabile Visione (Messina, 1902 ; pp. 362-3). 4. Passerini 
(1910): op.cit., pp. 19-21. — German. 1. Kannegiesser (1845): 
op. cit., pp. 171-2. 2. C. Krafft (1859): in Dante Alighieris 
lyrische Gedichte und poetischer Briefwechsel, Text, Ubersetzung 
und Erkldrung (Regensburg, 1859 ; pp. 393-4). 3. Scartazzini 
(1879) : (extracts) in Dante Alighieri, seine Zeit, sein Leben und 
seine Werke (p. 341). — English. 1. Latham (1891): op. cit., 
pp. 65-6. 2. Wicksteed (1904) : op. cit., pp. 301-2. 3. C. H. 
Gramigent (1917): (11. 12-38) in The Ladies of DantJs Lyrics 
(Cambridge, U.S.A., 1917 ; pp. 97-8). 4. Paget Toynbee : (see 
below, pp. 39-40). 

Authenticity.— As in the case oiEpist. ii, the original title 
of the letter has not been preserved, the superscription in the 
MS., which assigns the letter to Dante, and gives the name 
of his correspondent, being due to an earlier compiler or 
copyist of the collection contained in the MS. 2 The attribution 
to Dante, though decisively rejected by some critics, 3 is now 
very generally accepted, the internal evidence being strongly 
in favour of its authenticity. 4 The letter was known to 

1 For titles of editions referred to here as already quoted, see 
above, p. 2. 

2 See above, p. 12. 

3 See, for instance, Zingarelli in Eassegna critica clella Lelteratura 
Italiana (1899), iv. 3 ff. ; and his Dante, pp. 222-3. 

4 See Zenatti, Dante e Firenze, pp. 430-62 ; and Novati, in Dante e 
la Lunigiana, pp. 507-42. 


Boccaccio, who incorporated portions of it in a letter of his 
own ('Ignoto Militi', beginning, ' Mavortis miles extrenue' 1 ), 
written in 1838 or 1339, within twenty years of Dante's death. 2 
It was also known to Sennuccio Del Bene (d. 1349), who utilized 
it (as well as Dante's sonnet, ' Io sono stato con Arnore insieme ', 
which accompanied his letter to Cino da Pistoja 3 ) in a sonnet 
introducing a canzone,* which contains imitations of the can- 
zone of Dante accompanying the present letter. 5 

Date. — That Dante was in relations with the Malaspini in 
Lunigiana in the autumn of 1306 is known from extant 
documents dated October 6 of that year. 6 From these it 
appears that he then, as the guest of Franceschino Malaspina 
at Sarzana, 7 acted as procurator for the Malaspina family 
in their negotiations for peace with their neighbour, the Bishop 
of Luni, which by his means was successfully concluded. The 
duration of his stay with the Malaspini is uneertain, but it 
probably did not last beyond the summer of 1307. The present 

1 The text of Boccaeeio's letter is printed in full, with the 
parallel passages from Dante's letter, by Vandelli in Bull. Soc. Dant. 
Ital., N.S. vii. 64-7, from the Laurentian MS. xxix. 8, the only MS. 
in which it has been preserved, and in which, as Hauvette has 
shown in his Notes sur des manuscrits autographes cle Boccace a la 
Bibliotheque Laurentienne (pp. 22 ff.), it is written in Boccaccio's own 

2 Boccaccio was at this time a young man of five-and-twenty ; as 
to his motive in utilizing the letter, see Zenatti, op. cit., pp. 458-9 ; 
and Torraca, in Bull. Soc. Dant. Ital., N.S. x. 139-40. 

3 See above, p. 21, n. 6. 

4 Both sonnet and canzone are printed in Rime di Trecentisti Minori, 
ed. G. Volpi (Firenze, 1907), pp. 35-7. 

5 See Parodi, in Bull. Soc. Dant. Ital.. N.S. xvii. 79-80. 

6 The documents have been several times printed, e. g. by 
Fraticelli in his Vita di Dante, pp. 197-204 ; and in Report XI {1892) 
ofthe Cambridge (U.S.A.) Dante Socieiy, pp. 15-24. 

7 This visit to the Malaspini, 'the honoured race which ceases 
not to be adorned with the glory of the purse and of the sword ', is 
foretold to Dante by Franceschino's first cousin, Currado Mala- 
spina, whom he meets in Purgatory (Purg. viii. 118-39). 


letter, accompanied by a canzone, 1 describing how the writer 
had been overcome by a tempestuous passion for a lady he had 
met in the valley of the Arno, was written, apparently from 
the Casentino, after Dante's departure from Lunigiana, perhaps 
in 1308, but at any rate before 1310. 2 

Addressee. — At the time the letter was written there were 
several members of the Malaspina family who bore the name 
of Moroello 3 ; but Dante's correspondent is usually identified 
with Moroello III, the Guelf captain, 41 vapor di Valdimagra ' 
of Inf. xxiv. 145, the son of Manfredi da Giovagallo (d. 1282) 
of the 'Spino Secco' branch of the family. This Moroello 
was first cousin of Currado II (Purg. viii. 65, 118) and of 
Franceschino, Dante's host at Sarzana in 1307 , 4 and grandson 
of Currado I (Purg. viii. 119). 5 He married Alagia de' Fieschi, 
niece of Pope Adrian V (Purg. xix. 142), and died about the 
year 1315. 6 Boccaccio, in his Vita di Dante? relates that it 
was while under Moroello's roof in Lunigiana 8 that Dante was 
induced to continue the Commedia, the composition of which 
had been interrupted by his exile from Florence ; he further 

1 Canz. xi : 'Amor, dacche convien pur ch' io mi doglia' (see 
below, pp. 36-8). 

2 See Zenatti, op. cit, pp. 450-1. Torraca, on the other hand, who 
argues that the 'curia' of 1. 10 of the letter was that of the 
Emperor Henry VII, not that of the Malaspini, holds that the 
letter was written in 1311 (see Bull. Soc. Dant. Ital., N.S. x. 147). 

3 See the article I Malaspina ricordati da Dante by Staffetti, in 
Bartoli's Storia della Letteratura Italiana, vol. vi 2 , pp. 265-303 ; and 
also his article in Bull. Soc. Dant. Ital., N.S. vi. 114 ff. 

4 See above. 

5 See Table XXVI a in Dante Dictionary. 

6 See the account of him in Dante Dictionary, p. 354. 

7 § 14, ed. Macri-Leone. 

8 Filippo Villani also records Dante's visit to Moroello, and 
states in so many words that on leaving him Dante betook himself 
to the Casentino (whence this letter is supposed to have been 
written, see above) : — ? A Moruello . . . decedens, Casentinum 
applicuit ' (Expositio super Comedia Dantis, § 3, ed. Cugnoni). 


states x that, according to some, it was to Moroello that Dante 
dedicated the Purgatorio. 

Summary.— § 1. Lest false reports should reach Moroello 
as to the cause of his silence, Dante writes to explain the real 
reason, and thereby to excuse himself from the charge of 
neglect. § 2. On reaching the banks of the Arno, after his 
departure from the court of Moroello, he was suddenly con- 
founded by the apparition of a lady, at the sight of whom, in 
spite of all his previous resolutions to keep his thoughts from 
women, Love once again took possession of him, and, making 
an end of his meditations upon higher things, reduced him 
to a state of utter subjection to his will, in which condition 
he now writes. The manner in which Love exercises his 
tyranny Moroello will learn from the canzone 2 which accom- 
panies the letter. 

[Scribit Dantes Domino Moroello* Marchioni Mala- 
spinae. 3 ] 

§ 1. Ne lateant dominum vincula 4 servi sui, quam 3 

affectus gratuitas b6 dominantis, c et ne alia relata pro 

5 aliis, quae falsarum opinionum seminaria frequentius 

MS. = Cod. Vat.-Palat. Lat. 1729 0. - Oxford Dante 

a MS. Maroello b MS. gratuitatis ° 0. quem affectus gratitudinis 

1 § 15, ed. Macri-Leone. 

2 Parallel passages from this ca)izone (Canz. xi in the Oxford Dante) 
are given in the subjoined notes. 

3 As to the identity of the Marquis Moroello, see above, p. 32. 

4 Canz., 1. 82 : ' una catena il serra'. 

5 This quam is the correlative of tam omitted or understood 
before vincula ; for the omission of tam in similar cases, see Bull. 
Soc. Dant. Ital., N.S. xix. 265, and xxii. 144, n. 

6 This emendation is due to K. Sabbadini (see Giornale Dantesco, 
xx (1912). 163; *ee also Bull. Soc. Dant. Ital., N.S. xix. 17-18, 
23, n. 1). 

2165 D 


esse solent, negligentem a praedicent carceratum, ad 
conspectum Magnificentiae * vestrae praesentis oraculi b 5 
seriem 2 placuit destinare. 

io § 2. Igitur mihi a limine suspiratae postea curiae 
separato, in qua (velut saepe sub admiratione vidistis) 
fas fuit sequi libertatis officia, quum primum pedes iuxta 
Sarni 3 fluenta securus et incautus defigerem, 4 subito io 

15 heu ! mulier, ceu fulgur descendens, 5 apparuit, nescio 
quomodo, meis auspitiis 6 undique moribus et forma d 

* 0. neghgeuier b 0. oratiunculae c MS. suspirare 

d O.fortunae 

1 Instances of ' Magnificentia ' as a title of honour (cf. Epist. vii* 
tit, where it is applied to the Emperor Henry VII ; and Epist. x. 1, 
603, where it is applied to Can Grande) are of fiequent occurrence 
in the Regesta Pontificum Romanorum ; thus the title • Regia Magnifi- 
centia ' is applied by Innocent III (March 1, 1201) to the Emperor 
OttoIV(ed. Potthast, No. 1292); and by Honorius III (Dec. 11, 
1220) to the Emperor Frederick II (Potth. No. 6434) ; and that of 
'Imperialis Magnificentia ' by Gregory IX (Jan. 19, 1281) to the 
same Emperor (Potth. No. 8653). 

2 Novati has shovvn that ' oraculi series ' here (with which com- 
pare ' literarum series ' in Epist. i. 22-3) means nothing more nor 
less than 'a letter' (see Dante e la Lunigiana, pp. 527-9, 541, 
nn. 34, 35). 

3 In his Latin works Dante always calls the Arno Sarnus ; cf. 
V. E. i. 6, 1. 19 ; Epist. vi. 108 ; vii. 141, 191 ; Ecl. i. 44. 

4 Canz., 11. 61-3: ' Cosi m' hai concio, Amore, in mezzo 1'Alpi, 
Nella valle del fiume, Lungo il qual sempre sopra me sei forte.' 

5 Canz., 11. 65-6 : ' il fiero lume, Che folgorando fa via alla morte '; 
cf. Aen. viii. 524. 

6 ; Wishes ', • hopes ' ; cf. Epist. v. 7 : ' auspitia gentium blanda 
serenitate confortat ' ; Epist. vii* : ' mundi Gubernator aeternus . . . 
ad auspitia Caesaris et Augustae dexteram gratiae coadiutricis 
extendat ' ; and Epist. vii*** : ' dextera Summi Regis vota Caesaris et 
Augustae feliciter adimplebat' (see Torraca, in Bull. Soc. Dant. Ital, 
N.S. x. 143). 


conformis. O quam in eius apparitione a obstupui ! 
Sed stupor subsequentis tonitrui 1 terrore cessavit. 

20 Nam sicut diurnis b2 coruscationibus illico succedunt 15 
tonitrua, sic inspecta flamma pulchritudinis huius c amor 
terribilis et imperiosus me tenuit. 3 Atque hic ferox, 
tamquam dominus pulsus a patria post longum exilium 

25 sola in sua repatrians, quidquid eius d contrarium fuerat 
intra me, vel occidit, vel expulit, vel ligavit. Occidit 4 20 

a 0. admiratione b O. divinis c 0. eius d MS. enim ; 0. ei 

1 Canz., 1. 57 : ' quel tuono, che mi giunse addosso '. Gen. tonitrui 
comes from the nom. tonitruum, a form which occurs frequently in 
the Vulgate (e.g. Job xxxviii. 25: • viam sonantis tonitrui'; 
Mark iii. 17: 'Boanerges, quod est, Filii tonitrui'); cf. Giovanni 
da Genova in the Catholicon : ' hic tonitrus, -trus, . . . et hoc toni- 
truum, tonitrui \ 

2 Boccaccio, who incorporated this passage in the letter men- 
tioned above (see p. 31), has divinis ; the reading of the MS. is 
quite clear — the meaning apparently is ' of everyday occurrence ', 
' such as happen in our everyday experience '. 

3 Canz., 11. 22-5 : ' la riguarda, e . . . s'adira, Ch' ha fatto il foco 
ov'ella trista incende '. 

* Novati (pp. cit., pp. 531-3) argues at some length that this 
second occidit should be taken, not as from occido, as before, but as 
from occido ; and he explains : ' propositum occidit come sol occidiV, in 
which he is followed by Passerini, who renders 'cadde cosi quel 
laudabil proposito '. But this seems quite unnecessary ; and, 
moreover, it destroys the Dantesque symmetry of the whole 
passage, besides involving a very awkward construction, necessi- 
tating the change of subject from amor to propositum, and then back 
again to amor. Occidit here is surely the same verb as in the 
previous sentence. Dante says, Love 'slew {occidit) or expelled 
(expulit) or fettered (ligavit) ' whatever was opposed to himself in 
Dante ; and he then proceeds to give an instance of each of these 
acts — Love slew (occidit), i. e. made an end of, Dante's resolve to 
keep aloof from women ; he banished (relegavit) Dante's meditations 
on higher things ; and he fettered (ligavit) Dante's free will. (The 
use of relegavit, instead of the repetition of expulit, as in the case 

D 2 


ergo propositum illud laudabile, quo a mulieribus suis- 
que a cantibus * abstinebam ; ac meditationes assiduas 

30 quibus tam coelestia quam terrestria intuebar, b2 quasi 
suspectas, impie relegavit; et denique, ne contra se 
amplius anima rebellaret, liberum meum ligavit arbi- 25 

35 trium, ut non quo ego, sed quo ille vult, me verti 
oporteat. 3 Regnat itaque amor in me, nulla refragante 
virtute 4 ; qualiterque me regat, inferius extra sinum 
praesentium 5 requiratis. 

[Canzone 6 ] 

[Amor, dacche convien pur ch' io mi doglia, 
Perche la gente m' oda, 
E mostri me d'ogni virtute spento, 
Dammi savere a pianger come voglia: 
Si che 1 duol che si snoda 
Portin le mie parole, come '1 sento. 

a MS. suis b MS. intuebat 

of occidit and ligavit, is doubtless to be accounted for by the exi- 
gencies of the cursus, * impie relegavit ' giving the desired velox, the 
fourth in a succession of five — ' expulit vel ligavit ', ' cantibus 
abstinebam ', ' (ter)restria intuebar ', ' impie relegavit ', ' anima 

1 Torraca (Bull. Soc. Dant. Ital., N.S. x. 140-1) proposes to read 
k satis cautus abstinebam ' ; but this violates the cursus, which is 
strictly observed by Dante, ' cantibus abstinebam ' giving a velox 
(see previous noteV 

2 No doubt the meditations which bore fruit in the Commedia, 
1 il poema sacro, Al quale ha posto mano e cielo e terra ' (Par. xxv. 

3 Canz., 11. 31-3, 38-40 : ' La nemica figura, che rimane Vittoriosa 
e fera, E signoreggia la virtu che vuole . . . Fo come colui, Che nel 
podere altrui Va co' suoi pie cola dov' egli e morto '. 

4 Canz., 1. 3 : ' d'ogni virtute spento '. 

5 That is, in the subjoined cansone. 

6 Canz. xi in the Oxford Dante. 


Tu vuoi ch' io muoia, ed io ne son contento: 

Ma chi mi scusera, s' io non so dire 

Cio, che mi fai sentire? 

Chi credera ch' io sia omai si colto? 10 

Ma se mi dai parlar quanto tormento, 

Fa, signor mio, che innanzi al mio morire 

Questa rea per me nol possa udire ; 

Che, se intendesse cio ch' io dentro ascolto, 

Pieta faria men bello il suo bel volto. 

Io non posso fuggir, ch' ella non vegna 
Nell' immagine mia, 
Se non come il pensier che la vi mena. 
1/ anima folle, che al suo mal s'ingegna, 
Com* ella e bella e ria 20 

Cosi dipinge, e forma la sua pena: 
Poi la riguarda, e quando ella e ben piena 
Del gran desio, che dagli occhi le tira, 
Incontro a se s' adira, 

Ch' ha fatto il foco, ov' ella trista ! incende. 
Quale argomento di ragion raffrena, 
Ove tanta tempesta in me si gira? 
L' angoscia che non cape dentro, spira 
Fuor della bocca si, ch' ella s'intende, 
Ed anche agli occhi lor merito rende. 30 

La nemica figura, che rimane 
Vittoriosa e fera, 
E signoreggia la virtu che vuole, 
Vaga di se medesma andar mi fane 
Cola, dov' ella e vera, 
Come simile a simil correr suole. 
Ben conosch' io che va la neve al sole ; 
Ma piti non posso : fo come colui, 
Che nel podere altrui 

Va co' suoi pie cola, dov' egli e morto. 40 

Quando son presso, parmi udir parole 
Dicer : Via via ; vedrai morir costui ? 
Allor mi volgo per vedere a cui 
Mi raccomandi : a tanto sono scorto 
Dagli occhi, che m' ancidono a gran torto. 


Qual io divegna si feruto, Amore, 

Sal contar tu, non io, 

Che rimani a veder me senza vita : 

E se 1' anima torna poscia al core, 

Ignoranza ed oblio 50 

Stato e con lei, mentre ch' ella e partita. 

Com' io risurgo, e miro la ferita, 

Che mi disfece quando io fui percosso, 

Confortar non mi posso 

Si, ch' io non tremi tutto di paura. 

E mostra poi la faccia scolorita 

Qual fu quel tuono, che mi giunse addosso ; 

Che se con dolce riso e stato mosso, 

Lunga fiata poi rimane oscura, 

Perche lo spirto non si rassicura. 60 

Cosi m' hai concio, Amore, in mezzo 1' Alpi, 

Nella valle del fiume, 

Lungo il qual sempre sopra me sei forte. 

Qui vivo e morto, come vuoi, mi palpi 

Merce del fiero lume, 

Che folgorando fa via alla morte. 

Lasso ! non donne qui, non genti accorte 

Vegg' io, a cui incresca del mio male. 

Se a costei non ne cale, 

Non spero mai da altrui aver soccorso : 70 

E questa, sbandeggiata di tua corte, 

Signor, non cura colpo di tuo strale: 

Fatto ha d' orgoglio al petto schermo tale, 

Ch' ogni saetta li spunta suo corso; 

Per che 1' armato cuor da nulla e morso. 
montanina mia canzon, tu vai ; 

Forse vedrai Fiorenza la mia terra, 

Che fuor di se mi serra, 

Vota d' amore, e nuda di pietate : 

Se dentro v' entri, va dicendo : Omai So 

Non vi puo fare il mio signor piti guerra ; 

La, ond' io vegno, una catena il serra 

Tal, che se piega vostra crudeltate, 

Non ha di ritornar piu libertate. ] 


[Dante writes to the Lord Moroello, Marquis Malaspina.~\ 

§ 1. Lest the lcrd 3hould be ignorant of the bonds of 
his servant, and of the spontaneity of the affection by 
which he is governed, and lest reports spread abroad at 
variance with the facts, which too often are wont to prove 
seed-beds of false opinion, should proclaim to be guilty 
of negligence him who is a captive, it has seemed good 
to me to address to the eyes of your Magnificence this 
present epistle. 1 

§ 2. It befell, then, that after my departure from the 
threshold of that court (which I since have so yearned 
for), wherein, as you often remarked with amaze, I was 
privileged to be enrolled in the service of liberty, no 
sooner had I set foot by the streams of Arno, in all 
security and heedlessness, than suddenly, woe is me ! 
like a flash of lightning from on high, a woman appeared, 
I know not how, in all respects answering to my inclina- 
tions 2 both in character and appearance. Oh ! how was 
Idumbfounded at the sight of her ! But my stupefaction 
gave place before the terror of the thunder that followed. 
For just as in our everyday experience 8 the thunder-clap 
instantaneously follows the flash, so, at the sight of 
the blaze of this beauty, Love, terrible and imperious, 
straightway laid hold on me. And he, raging like a 
despot expelled from his fatherland, who returns to his 
native soil after long exile, slew or expelled or fettered 
whatsoever within me was opposed to him. He slew, 
then, that praiseworthy resolve which held me aloof 
from women and from songs about women ; and he 
pitilessly banished as suspect those unceasing meditations 
wherein I used to ponder the things of heaven and of 
earth ; and, finally, that my soul might never again rebei 
against him, he fettered my free will, so that it hehoves 

1 ' Praesentis oraeuli seriem ' ; see above. p. 34, n. 2. 

2 ' Auspitiis ' ; see above, p. 34, n. 6. 

3 ' Diurnis ' ; see above, p. 35, n. 2. 


me to turn me not whither I will, but whither he wills. 
Love, therefore, reigns within me, with no restraining 
influence ; and in what manner he rules me you must 
inquire from what follows below outside the limits of 
this present writing. 


[Love, since 'tis meet that I should tell my woe, 

That men may list to me, 
And show myself with all my manhood gone, 
Grant that I may content in weeping know; 

So that my grief set free 
My words may utter, with my sense at one. 
Thou wnTst my death, and I consent thereon ; 
But who will pardon if I lack the art 

To tell my pain of heart ? 
Who will believe what now doth me constrain? 
But if from thee fit words for grief are won, 
Grant, my Lord, that, ere my life depart, 
That cruel fair one may not hear my pain, 
For, of my inward grief were she made ware, 
Sorrow would make her beauteous face less fair. 
I cannot scape from her, but she will come 

Within my phantasy, 
More than I can the thought that brings her there: 
The frenzied soul that brings its own ill home, 

Painting her faithfully, 
Lovely and stern, its own doom doth prepare: 
Then looks on her, and when it filled doth fare 
With the great longing springing from mine eyes, 

Wroth with itself doth rise, 
That lit the fire where it, poor soul ! doth burn. 
What plea of reason calms the stormy air 
When such a tempest whirls o'er inward skies? 
The grief it cannot hold breaks forth in sighs, 
From out my lips that others too may learn, 
And gives mine eyes the tears they truly earn. 
The image of my fair foe which doth stay 

Victorious and proud, 
And lords it o'er my faculty of will, 
Desirous of itself, doth make me stray 

There, where its truth is showed, 
As like to like its course directing still. 
Like snow that seeks the sun, so fare I ill; 
But I am powerless, and I am as they 

Who thither take their way 


As others bid, where they must fall as dead. 
When I draw near, a voice mine ears doth fill, 
Which saith : Away ! seek'st thou his death to see ? 
Then look I out, and search to whom to flee 
For succour: — to this pass I now am led 
By those bright eyes that baleful lustre shed. 
What I become when smitten thus, Love, 

Thou can'st relate, not I ; 
For thou dost stay to look while I lie dead, 
And if my soul back to my heart should move, 

Blind loss of memory 
Hath been with her while she from earth hath fled. 
When I rise up, and see the wound that bled, 
And cast me down sore smitten by the blow, r 

No comfort can I know 
To keep me from the shuddering thrill of fear; 
And then my looks, with pallor o'er them spread, 
Show what that lightning was that laid me low. 
For, grant it came with sweet smile all aglow, 
Long time all clouded doth my face appear, 
Because my spirit gains no safety clear. 
Thus thou hast brought me, Love, to Alpine vale, 

Where flows the river bright, 
Along whose banks thou still o'er me dost reign. 
Alive or dead thou dost at will assail, 

Thanks to the fierce keen light 
Which flashing opes the way for Death's campaign. 
Alas ! for ladies fair I look in vain, 
Or kindly men, to pity my deep woe. 

If she unheeding go, 
I have no hope that others help will send, 
And she, no longer bound to thy domain, 
Cares not, Sire, for dart that thou dost throw; 
Such shield of pride around her breast doth go, 
That every dart thereon its course doth end; 
And thus her heart against them doth defend. 
Dear mountain song of mine, thou goest thy way, 
Perchance thou'lt Florence see, mine own dear land, 

That drives me doomed and banned, 
Showing no pity, and devoid of love. 
If thou dost enter there, pass on, and say, 
'My Lord no more against you can wage war, 
There, whence I come, his chains so heavy are, 
That, though thy fierce wrath placable should prove, 
No longer freedom hath he thence to move '.] l 

1 Plumptre's translation. 


(' Ecce nunc tempus acceptabile ') 

To the Princes and Peoples of Italy 
[Sept. or Oct. 1310] 

MSS. — The Latin text of this letter (which was first known in 
an early Italian translation, 1 formerly attributed to Marsilio 
Ficino) has been preserved in two MSS., both of the fourteenth 
century : namely, the Vatican MS. (Cod. Vat.-Palat. Lat. 1729) 
already mentioned, in which it occurs last of the nine letters 
attributed to Dante in the MS., 2 and in which the text is in 
several places defective ; and Cod. S. Pantaleo 8 in the Biblioteca 
Vittorio Emanuele at Rome, which contains also the Latin text, 
and an Italian translation, of Dante's letter to the Emperor 
Henry VII (Epist. vii). 3 These two texts are independent, as is 
evident from the fact that the hiatus in the Vatican MS. do 
not occur in the other. 

Printed Texts. 4 -1. F. Torricelli (1842): in Anlologia di 
Fossombrone (Fossombrone, 1842; vol. i, pp. 339-44). 2. Torri 
(1842): Epist. v (op. cit, pp. 28-32). 3. Fraticelli (1857): 
Epist. v (op. cit., pp. 464-70). 4. Giuliani (1882): Epist. v 
(op. cit., pp. 12-16). 5. Scartazzini (1890) : in Prolegomeni 
della Divina Commedia (Leipzig, 1890 ; pp. 101-4). 6. Moore 

1 See below, p. 43. 2 See above, p. 1. 

s See Barbi, in Bull. Soc. Dant. Ital. N.S. ii. 23. The MS. prob- 
ably belongs to the latter half of the fourteenth century. Colomb 
de Batines, who deseribes it in his Bibliografia Dantesca (ii. 208-9), 
assigns it to the first half of the fifteenth century. Besides the 
ietters of Dante above mentioned, this MS., which belonged at one 
time to Celso Cittadini (1555-1627), contains the text of the Divina 
Commedia, lyrical poems of Dante and of Guido Cavalcanti, and 
other matter (see De Batines, loc. cit.). 

4 For titles of editions referred to here as already quoted, see 
above, pp. 1-2. 


(1894): Epist v (op. cit., pp. 405-7). 7. Passerini (1910): 
Epist. v (op. cit, pp. 28-42). 8. Paget Toynbee (1912) : (diplo- 
matic transcripts of the MS. texts, together with collations of 
the various readings of the printed editions of the letter, and 
a list of proposed emendations in the Oxford text) in Modern 
Language Review (vol. vii, pp. 27-9, 215-22). 9. Paget Toynbee 
(1915): (critical text, with list of passages in which this text 
differs from that of the Oxford Bante) in Modern Language 
Review (vol. x, pp. 151-6). 10. [Della Torre] (1917) : Epist. viii 
(op. cit, pp. 247-53). 

Translations. 1 — Italian. 1. Anon. 2 (Cent. xv) : printed 
by P. Lazzari (1754), in Miscellaneorum ex MSS. Libris Biblio- 
thecae Collegii Romani Societatis Jesu Tomus Primus (Romae, 
1754; pp. 139-44); by F. de Romanis (1815), in the notes to 
Tiraboschi's Vita di Dante, in Divina Commedia (Roma, 1815-17 ; 
vol. iv, pp. 42-4) 3 ; by I. Moutier (1823), from Cod. Riccardiano 
1304, in Cronica di Giovanni Villani (Firenze, 1823; vol. viii, 
pp. lvii-lxiii) ; by Witte (1827), in Dantis Alligherii Epistolae 
quae exstant (Patavii, 1827 ; pp. 19-26) j by Fraticelli (1840), in 
DantisAligherii Epistolae quae exstant (Florentiae, 1840; pp. 213- 
22) ; by Torricelli (1842), 4 in Antologia di Fossombrone (vol. i, 
p. 296) ; by Torri (1842), op. cit., pp. 147-50. 2. Cesare Balbo 
(1839) : (extracts) in Vita di Danie (Torino, 1839 ; ed. Firenze, 
1853, pp. 325-7). 3. Torri(1842) : op. cit, pp. 29-33. 4. Fraticelli 
(1857) : op. cit, pp. 465-71. 5. Passerini (1910) : op. cit, pp. 29-43. 
6. M. Scherillo (1918) : (extracts) in Le Origini e lo Svolgimento della 
Letteratura Italiana (Milano, 1918 ; vol. i, pp. 16Q-7 ). — German. 
1. Kannegiesser (1845): op. cit., pp. 175-9. 2. Scartazzini 
(1879) : (extracts) in Dante Alighieri, seine Zeit, sein Leben und 

1 For titles of editions referred to here as already quoted, see 
p. 2. 

2 Formerly attributed to Marsilio Ficino (1433-99), who trans- 
lated Dante's Be Monarchia into Italian. 

3 For other editions of the Commedia in which the translation ol 
this letter is printed, see Koch, Catalogue ofthe CornellDante Collection, 
vol. i, p. 75. 

4 Torricelli printed only §§ 1-3 and a part of § 4. 


seine Werke (pp. 384-5, 387-9). 8. F. X. Kraus (1897) : (ex- 
tracts) in Dante, sein Leben und sein Werk (Berlin, 1897 ; pp. 
298-9).— English. 1. F. J. Bunbury (1852) : (extracts) in Life 
and Times of Dante Alighieri (London, 1852 ; vol. ii, pp. 129-32). 
2. Latham (1891) : op. cit., pp. 133-40. 3. Wicksteed (1898) : 
in A Provisional Translation of Dante^s Political Letters (Hull, 
1898; pp. 5-9). 4. Wicksteed (1904): (revised trans.) in 
Translation ofthe Latin Works of Dante Alighieri (pp. 308-13). 
5. Paget Toynbee : (see below, pp. 58-62). 

Authenticity.— This letter, as to the authenticity of which 
there can be no doubt, is one of three -which were written by 
Dante in his own name (in each he describes himself as' Dantes 
Alagherii Florentinus et exul immeritus ') with especial reference^ 
to the advent of the Emperor Henry VII into Italy— in the 
present letter he exhorts the Princes and Peoples of Italy to 
receive the Emperor as their rightful sovereign, in obedience to 
the recommendation of Pope Clement V ; in the next (Epist. vi) 
he denounces the rebellious Florentines who opposed his 
coming; in the third (Epist. vii) he addresses the Emperor 
himself, and beseeches him to hasten his advance into Tuscany, 
in order that he may chastise the Florentines without further 

Date.— Henry, Count of Luxemburg, was at the instance of 
Clement V elected Emperor at Frankfort on Nov. 27, 1308, and 
was crowned at Aix-la-Chapelle on Jan. 6, 1309. On July 26, in 
reply to an embassy from Henry, Clement published an ency- 
clical ('Divinae Sapientiae ') approving the election, and 
promising that the coronation should take place at St. Peter's 
in two years' time. In May of the following year (1310) Henry 
sent ambassadors to the chief cities of Italy, Florence among 
them, to announce that he was coming into Italy to receivethe 
Imperial crown. On Sept. 1 of that year Clement issued a 
second encyclical ('Exultet in gloria') calling upon all good 
Christians. and the Italians in particular, to receive and honour 
Henry as Emperor. On Oct. 10 Henry was at Lausanne, where 
he was welcomed by envoys from the Italian cities, with the 
exception of Florence (which was represented by Florentine 


exiles), and a few days later he erossed the Alps by the Mt. 
Cenis, reaching Susa on the 24th, and Turin on the SOth. 1 It 
was about this tinie, probably in September or October 1310, 
shortly before Henry crossed the Alps, that Dante's letter was 
written — it was at any rate written after the issue of Clemenfs 
encyclical of Sept. 1, since there is an unmistakable reference 
to the latter inthe letter, 2 the language of which moreover in 
more than one place echoes that of the Papal missive. 3 

Summaey. — § 1. A new day is dawning after the long dark- 
ness of tribulation,' the Sun of peace shall appear on high, the 
reign of justice shall be renewed, and the oppressed peoples 
shall be delivered from their yoke. § 2. Italy, hitherto an object 
of pity, shall become the envy of the world, for the bridegroom 
Henry is hastening to the wedding, and the workers of iniquity 
shall be cut off. § 3. Such as crave his mercy shall be pardoned 
but those that persist in their evil ways shall be utterly rooted 
out. § 4. Let the peoples of Italy bethink them of their descent, 
and let them come before the presence of the Emperor with 
confession, and submit themselves with repentance. § 5. Let 
them that are oppressed lift up their hearts, and prepare them- 
selves to receive the grace of God, that they may bear the fruit 
of true peace, and may be recognized as sheep of his fold by 
the Roman shepherd, who, though he be authorized to chastise, 
yet delights rather in compassion than in correction. § 6 . Th e 
joys of peace are within reach of all ; let them, therefore, rise 
up to meet their King, not only as subjects acknowledging his 
sovereignty, but as free peoples accepting his guidance. § 7. 
And let them stand in reverent awe beforehim, bearinginmind 
that by virtue of his law they enjoy their public and private 
rights, for the Roman Prince is lord of all the earth, fore- 
ordained of God, as is recognized by Holy Church. § 8. The 

1 See Zingarelli, Dante, pp. 249 ff. 

2 Dante says (11. 165-6), <Hic est quem Petrus, Dei Vicarius, 
honorificare nos monet ' ; Clement had called on the peoples of 
Christendom ' regem praedictum honorificentia debita venerari '. 

3 See Zingarelli, op. cit., p. 256. 


pre-ordination of the Roman Emperor is proved by the course 
of history, a survey of which from the repulse of the Argonauts 
by Laomedon down to the triumphs of Octavian will show that 
certain events ' have altogether transcended the highest pitch 
of human effort ', and that at times God has used mari as the 
unconscious instrument of his will. § 9. Further proof supplied 
by the fact that Christ was born during a period of profound 
peace under the Roman Emperor, whose temporal jurisdiction 
He himself recognized when He said, ' Render unto Caesar the 
things which are Caesar's \ § 10. And if this should not suffice, 
let the words of Christ be recalled, how He declared to Pilate, 
the vicar of Caesar, that his power was given to him from above. 
Let then Henry, as the King appointed by God, be received 
with due honour in obedience to the Apostolic exhortation, that 
the light of the lesser as well as of the greater luminary may 
shine forth for the guidance of mankind. 

Universis et singulis Italiae Regibus l et Senatoribus 
almae 2 Urbis, necnon Ducibus, Marchionibus, Comiti- 

1 That is, Frederick II of Aragon (third son of Peter III of 
Aragon), King of Sicily, 1296-1337; and Robert of Anjou (third son 
of Charles II of Anjou), King of Naples, 1309-43. 

2 Almus was commonly used by mediaeval writers as a synonym 
of sanctus, and that is no doubt its meaning here, 'alma urbs', 
i. e. Rome, being the exact equivalent of ' urbs sancta ', Mon. ii. 5, 
1. 106; and 'santa citta', Conv. iv. 5, 11. 53, 179; c£ Inf. ii. 20: 
' alma Roma', where Benvenuto da Imola comments : 'Roma dicitur 
alma urbs, idest sancta'. The word is used by Dante in a similar 
sense in Epist. vi. 39-40: 'legum sanctiones almae' (where the 
textus receptus reads altissime). The expression ' alma urbs', meaning 
Rome, occurs repeatedly in the letters of Rienzi (Epistolario di Cola 
di Rienzo, ed. Gabrielli, pp. 6, 9, 12, 15, 16, 29, 87) (see Mod. Lang. 
Rev. xi. 342, 464 ; and BuU. Soc. Dant. Ital. ,H.S. xxiii. 162-8). 


bus* atque Populis, humilis Italus Dantes Alagherii h 
Fhrentinus et exul immeritus l orat pacem. c 

§ 1 . 4 Ecce nunc d tempus acceptabile \ e 2 quo signa 
surgunt consolationis et pacis. Nam dies nova splende- 
scit f ab ortu Auroram g demonstrans, h quae iam tene- 

5 bras diuturnae calamitatis attenuat ; iamque aurae 
orientales crebrescunt, 1 3 rutilat coelum in labiis suis, et 5 
auspitia 4 gentium blanda serenitate confortat. Et nos 
gaudium expectatum •> videbimus, qui k diu pernoctitavi- 

10 mus l 5 in deserto ; quoniam Titan 6 exorietur pacificus, 
et iustitia sine sole quasi heliotropium 7 hebetata m quum 

P. = Cod. S. Pantaleo 8 V. - Cod. Vat.-Palat. Lat 1729 
0. = Oxford Bante 

a Hiatus in V., Ducibus, Marchionibus, Comitibus ornitted b P. Ale- 
gherij ; V. Alagerij; O. Aligherius ° Hiatus in V., -at pacem omitted 
d Hiatus in V., Ecce nuuc omitted " P. accetabilc f V. spendescit 
* V. reads al for ab, and omits ortu Auroram, leaving hiatus ; 0. albam 
h P.V. demostrans l P. crebescunt j P. expetatum k P. quod 
1 P. pernotauimifs ; V. pernotitauimus ; 0. pernoctavimus m O. quasi 

ut h. h. 

1 Cf. Epist. ii. 24 ; Epist. iii (iv) tit. ; Epist. vi tit. ; Epist. vii tit. 

2 2 Cor. vi. 2. 

3 Cf. Aen. iii. 530. 

4 Cf. Epist. iv (iii). 16, and note. 

5 Frequentative forms are common in mediaeval texts ; numbers 
uf examples are to be found in the Catholicon ; cf. lectito in Epist. vii*. 

6 Cf. Epist. vii. 19, where Dante speaks of the Emperor Henry as 
1 Titan praeoptatus \ 

7 Dante no doubt had in mind, not the plant (otherwise known 
as solsequium, l turnsole '), to which the expression hebetata, ; dulled ', 
• dimmed ', could hardly be applied, but the gem helioiropium or 
/teliotropia, whose properties when exposed to the sun in certain 
conditions are described in the old lapidaries, and in the mediaeval 
dictionaries of Papias, Uguccione da Pisa, and Giovanni da Genova. 


primum iubar ille vibraverit a , revirescet. Satura- lo 
buntur omnes qui esuriunt b et sitiunt 1 in lumine 

15 radiorum eius, et confundentur qui diligunt iniquita- 
tem 2 a facie cpruscantis. Arrexit c namque aures 
misericordes d 3 leo fortis de tribu Iuda 4 ; atque ululatum 
universalis captivitatis 5 commiserans, 6 6 Moysen alium U 

20 suscitavit, qui de gravaminibus Aegyptiorum populum 
suum eripiet, ad terram lacte ac melle manantem 7 per- 

§ 2. Laetare f iam nunc miseranda Italia etiam 

a V. uibrauit b P. V. exuriunt c P. Arrecscit ; V. Arrescit 

d P. misericordis e P.V.O. miserans f P. Lectare 

In the absencc of the sun (' sine sole ') the stone would naturally 
lose its peculiar properties, and would appropriately be described 
as hebetata, a term applied by Pliny (Hist. Nat. xxxvii. 5, 18) to 
a species of emerald, which was said to be deprived of its brilliancy 
by exposure to the sun (' in sole hebetari '). It will be remembered 
that in the Commedia Dante refers to another reputed property of 
the gem heliotrope, that of rendering its wearer invisible (Inf. xxiv. 
93 : 'Senza sperar pertugio o elitropia'). 

1 Matt. v. 6. 

2 Psalm x. 6 (A. V. xi. 5, where iniquitatem is rendered ' violence ? ). 

3 Cf. Aen. x. 723, 726 ; and 2 Chron. vii. 15 : 'aures erectae'. 

4 Rev. v. 5. 

5 Cf. Jerem. 1. 46 : ' A voce captivitatis Babylonis commota est 
terra '. 

6 This emendation, which involves only a very slight alteration 
of the reading of the MSS. (the abbreviation 5 = com being easily 
overlooked), rectifies the cursus, giving the tardus l (captivi)tatis 
commiserans '. It might be preferable to retain miserans and by 
a slight change in the order of the words to read ' universalis 
captivitatis miserans iilulatum ' (velox). On the form of clausula, 
' (captivi)tatis miserans', see Parodi, in Bull. Soc. Dant. Ital., N.S. 
xix. 256-7. 

7 Deut. vi. 3. 


25 Saracenis, 1 quae statim invidiosa 2 per orbem videberis, 20 
quia sponsus tuus, mundi solatium et gloria plebis tuae, 3 
clementissimus 4 Henricus a , Divus et Augustus 5 et 
Caesar, ad nuptias properat. Exsicca b lacrymas, et 

30 moeroris vestigia dele c , pulcerrima ; nam prope est qui 
liberabit te de carcere impiorum, qui percutiens mali- 25 
gnantes in ore gladii 6 perdet eos, d et vineam suam aliis 

35 locabit agricolis, 7 qui fructum iustitiae 8 reddant in 
tempore messis. 

§ 3. Sed an non c miserebitur cuiquam ? Immo 
ignoscet omnibus misericordiam implorantibus, quum sit 30 
Caesar, et maiestas eius de fonte defluat pietatis. 10 

a P. hericua b P. esicca ; V. exica c P. dola d 0. qui, p. m., 
in 0. g. perdet eos e V. non an 

1 Ci'. Epist. viii. 143-4: 'Roma . . . nunc Hannibali nedum alii 
miserauda \ 

2 ' An object of envy ' ; cf. A. T. § 1, 1. 13 : * viris invidiosis ' 
(and ShadwelPs note) ; Par. x. 138 : « invidiosi veri '. 

3 Luke ii. 32. 

1 Cf. Epist. vii. 41 ; this epithet is applied to the Roman Emperor 
by Orosius in his Hisioria adversum Paganos, vi. 1, § 6. 

5 ' Augustus ' was part of the official title of the Emperor, as was 
' Augusta ' of that of the Empress ; cf. Epist. vii tit. ; and the titles 
of the three Battifolle letters (Epist. vii*, ii**, vii***). 

6 A Biblical phrase ('percutere in ore gladii') which occurs 
frequently in 0. T. ; cf. Numb. xxi. 24 ; Deut. xiii. 15 ; xx. 13 ; 
Josh. vi. 21 ; x. 28, 30, 32, 37, 39; xix. 47 ; Judges i. 8 ; 1 Sam. xxii. 
19 ; 2 Sam. xv. 14 ; 2 Kings x. 25 ; Jerem. xxi. 7 ; the punctuation 
of the Oxford text associates ' in ore gladii ' with 'perdere' — 
a phrase which nowhere occurs in the Vulgate. 

7 Matt. xxi. 41. 

8 Amos vi. 13 (in A.V. 'fruit of righteousness '). 
'•' Matt. xiii. 30. 

10 Cf. Mon. ii. 5, 11. 40-2 : \ scriptum est, Romanum Imperium de 
fonte nascitur pietatis'; the saying occurs in the legend of 
St. Silvester in the Legenda Aurea of Jacopus de Voragine : ' Dignitas 

2165 E 


40 Huius iudicium omnem severitatem abhorret, et semper 

Komani Imperii de fonte nascitur pietatis '. Petrarch, addressing 
the Virgin in his Canz. xlix (' Vergine bella'), says (1. 43), 'Tu 
partoristi il fonte di pietate \ (See my Dante Studies and Researches, 
pp. 297-8.) The ultimate source of this saying has been traced to 
the Actus Beati Silvestri by Mr. F. E. Brightman, who has kindly 
contributed the following note : • These Actus (which were printed 
at Milan about 1480 in the Sanctuarium of Mombritius and were 
reprinted by the Benedictines of Solesmes at Paris in 1910) are 
mentioned in the pseudo-Gelasian index of libri recipiendi, and were 
one of the sources of the Donation of Constantine. They were read 
for the matins Lessons of the feast of St. Silvester (Dec. 31), and 
were therefore included in the Passionale or Legenda Sanctorum. 
But as they are of considerable length, when the Breviarium was 
compiled, so as to include the whole Divine Service for the year in 
a single volume, they, like the other legends, had to be curtailed. 
But, at the same time, the complete Passionale continued to be 
copied, and presumably to be used in some churches. Thus, of 
four copies in the Bodleian, one is of Cent. xiii, two of Cent. xiv, 
and one of Cent. xv. It is quite possible, therefore, that Dante 
may have known the legend of St. Silvester either from a Passionale, 
or from a Breviary which retained the passage in question — quite 
apart from the Legenda Aurea.' The following is the passage as 
given in the Cent. xiii Bodleian MS. (Canon. Misc. 230) of the 
Passionale, which was written in 1204 by one Matthew the Floren- 
tine : • Constantinus Augustus monarchiam tenens, cum plurimas 
strages de christianis dedisset, et innumerabilem populum per 
omnes provincias fecisset variis poenarum generibus interfici, 
elefantiae a Deo lepra in toto corpore percussus est. Huic cum 
diversa magorum et medicorum agmina subvenire non potuissent, 
pontifices Capitolii hoc dederunt consilium : debere piscinam fieri 
in ipso Capitolio quae puerorum sanguine repleretur. In quam 
calido ac fumante sanguine nudus descendens Augustus, mox 
posset vulnere illius leprae mundari. Iussum est igitur et de 
rebus fisci vel patrimonii regis ad tria millia et eo amplius infantes 
adduci ad urbem Romam. Pontificibus traditi sunt Capitolii. 
Die autem constituto egrediente imperatore Constantino palatium 
ad hoc eunte ad Capitolium ut sanguis innoxius funderetur, 
occurrit multitudo mulierum quae omnes resolutis crinibus, nuda- 
tisque pectoribus, dantes ululatus et mugitus coram eo se in 


citra medium plectens, ultra medium praemiando* sefigit. 

Anne propterea nequamhominumapplaudet audacias b ,et 

45 initis c * praesumptionum pocula d propinabit 2 ? Absit, 35 

quoniam Augustus est. Et si Augustus, nonne relapso- 

a P. preliando b O. audaciis c 0. initiis d P. procula, with 
alias pocula written above 

plateis straverunt, fundentes lacrimas. Percontatus itaque Con- 
stantinus Augustus qua de causa multitudo haec mulierum ista 
faceret, didicit has matres esse filiorum eorum quorum effundendus 
erat sanguis, tamdiu quousque piscina repleretur, in quam medendi 
causa lavandus descenderet et sanandus. Tunc imperator exhorruit 
facinus, et se tantorum criminum reum fore apud Dominum 
existimans quantum esset numerus puerorum, vicit crudelitatem 
pontificum pietas Eomani imperii, et prorumpens in lacrimas 
iussit stare carrucam, et erigens se convocans universos clara voce 
dixit : Audite me, comites et commilitones, et omnes populi qui 
adstatis, Komani imperii dignitas de fonte nascitur pietatis. Cur 
ergo proponam saluti meae salutem populi innocentis. Nunc 
autem ab effusione innoxii sanguinis sententiam crudelitatis ex- 
cludam. Melius est enim pro salute innocentum mori quam per 
interitum eorum vitam recuperare crudelem, quam tamen recu- 
perare incertum est, cum certum sit in recuperata esse crudelitas. . . . 
Vincat nos pietas in isto congressu. Vere enim omnium adversan- 
tium poterimus esse victores si a sola pietate vincamur ; omnium 
enim rerum se esse dominum comprobat qui verum se servum 
ostenderit esse pietatis. Cum ad istam conctionem omnis exercitus 
omnisque populus diutissime acclamasset, item contionatus dixit : 
Iussit pietas Romana filios suis matribus reddi, ut dulcedo reddita 
filiorum amaritudinem lacrimarum obdulcet. Et haec dicens iter 
quod arripuerat eundi ad Capitolium deferens ad palatium rediit ' 
(fol. 32 vo ). (See Mod. Lang. Rev. xiv. 326-7.) 

1 Prom neut. plur. inita used as a substantive ; initis is the reading 
of both MSS., and it is indirectly confirmed by the early Italian 
translation, in which the wholly irrelevant words ' dolce e piano' 
occur, which no doubt is the translator's rendering of mitis, either 
his own or a eopyistfs misreading of the initis of the Latin original. 

2 This word, which is registered by Giovanni da Genova in the 
Catholicon, occurs several times in the Vulgate, viz. Isaiah xxvii. 3 ; 
Jerem. xxv. 15, 17 ; Amos ii. 12. 



rum facinora vindicabit ? et usque in Thessaliam perse- 
quetur % Thessaliam b , inquam c , finalis deletionis d ? ' 

50 § 4. Pone, sanguis e Longobardorum, coadductam bar- 
bariem 2 ; et si quid deTroianorum Latinorumque semine 40 
superest, 3 illi cede, ne f quum sublimis aquila, f ulguris instar 

55 descendens, 4 affuerit, abiectos videat pullos eius, et prolis 
propriae locum corvulis occupatum. Eia, facite, Scan- 
dinaviae soboles, 5 ut cuius merito trepidatis adventum, 
quod g ex vobis est, praesentiam sitiatis h . Nec seducat 45 

60 alludens * 6 cupiditas, more Sirenum, 7 nescio qua dulce- 
dine 8 vigiliam rationis 9 mortificans. Praeoccupetis J 

a P. omits persequetur b P. omits; V. tesalia c P. in <jua 

(1 P. dillectionis ; V. delectionis e V. sangu , leaving hiatus f V. omits 
s 0. quantum h V. scitiatis ' 0. illudens j V. preocupatis 

1 The allusion is to the disastrous defeat of Pompey by Julius 
Caesar at the battle of Pharsalia in Thessaly, 48 b.c. 

2 Dante reproaches the Lombards with their barbarian origin, 
in allusion to their supposed descent through the Longobards from 
a Scandinavian tribe (see lelow). 

3 Cf. Inf. xv. 75-8; xxvi. 60 where the Trojans are referred to 
as 'il gentil seme de' Eomani') ; Conv. iv. 4, 11. 103-5; Mon. ii. 11, 
11. 22-4. 

* Cf. Purg. ix. 20-9 : ( un' aquila . . . mi parea che . . . Terribil 
come folgor discendesse ' ; cf. also Aen. viii. 524; Epist. iv (iii). 

5 The tradition as to the Scandinavian origin of the Lombards 
is recorded by Paulus Diaconus in his Historia Langobardorum : 
' Winnilorum, hoc est Langobardorum, gens, quae postea in Italia 
feliciter regnavit, a Germanorum populis originem ducens, . . . ab 
insula quae Scandinavia dicitur adventavit ' (i. 1). 

6 This is the reading of both MSS. ; Giovanni da Genova in the 
Catholicon says, ' est alludere illudere '. 

7 Cf. Purg. xix. 19 ; xxxi. 45. 

8 Georg. i. 412. 

8 Cf. Inf. xxvi. 114-15 : 'questa vigilia de' nostri sensi'. 


faciem eius in confessione subiectionis, et in psalterio a x 
poenitentiae iubiletis 2 ; considerantes quia b ' potestati 

65 resistens Dei ordinationi resistit ' 3 ; et qui divinae ordina- 50 
tioni repugnat,voluntati omnipotentiae coaequali recalci- 
trat c ; et ' durum est contra stimulum calcitrare ' d 4 . 

70 § 5. Vos autem qui lugetis oppressi e , ' animum 
sublevate, quoniam prope est vestra salus \ 6 Assumite f G 
rastrum bonae humilitatis, atque glebis exustae animosi- 55 
tatis occatis, 7 agellum sternite mentis vestrae, ne forte 

75 coelestis imber, sementem vestram ante iactum prae- 
veniens, in vacuum de altissimo cadat 8 ; non g resiliat h 
gratia Dei ex vobis tamquam ' ros quotidianus ex lapide; 
sed velut foecunda vallis concipite j , ac viride germinetis, 60 

80 viride dico fructiferum verae pacis ; qua quidem viriditate 
vestra terra vernante, novus agricola Romanorum con- 
silii sui boves ad aratrum affectuosius et confidentius 

85 coniugabit. Parcite, parcite, iam ex nunc, o carissimi k , 
qui mecum iniuriam passi estis, ut Hectoreus 9 pastor 65 
vos oves de ovili suo cognoscat ; cui etsi animadversio l 
temporalis divinitus est indulta, tamen ut eius boni- 

90 tatem m redoleat, a quo velut a puncto bifurcatur Petri 

a V.O. ctpsalterio b 0. quod c P. rechurerat d P. calcistrare 
e P. oppresi f P. assummere ; V. asummite g 0. neve h V. resiliet 
1 V. omits j 0. concipiatis k P. (apparently) olrimi ! P. ani- 
mauertio m P. bonitate 

1 This reading is supported by the in psalmis of Psalm xeiv. 2, of 
whieh Dante's words are a reminiscence. 

2 Psalm xciv. 2. 3 Rom. xiii. 2 ; cf. Epist. vii. 165-6. 
4 Acts ix. 5. 5 Luke xxi. 28 ; Rom. xiii. 11. 

6 Cf. Ephes. vi. 17. 7 Cf. Georg. i. 94, 107. 

8 Cf. 2 Cor. vi. 1. 

9 That is, Trojan, and hence, in Dante's view, Roman (see above 
p. 52, n. 8). 


Caesarisque potestas, voluptuose familiam suam corrigit, 
sed ei voluptuosius miseretur a . 70 

95 § 6. Itaque, si culpa vetus l uon obest, quae plerum- 
que supinatur ut coluber et vertitur b in se ipsam, hinc c 
utrique 2 potestis advertere, pacemunicuique praeparari d , 
et insperatae e laetitiae iam primitias f degustare. Evigi- 

loo late g igitur omnes, et assurgite regi vestro, incolae 75 
Latiales h 3 , non solum sibi ad imperium, sed, ut liberi, 4 
ad regimen * reservati. 

§ 7. Nec tantum j ut assurgatis exhortor, sed ut illius 

105 obstupescatis aspectum, 6 qui k bibitis fluenta eius, G 
eiusque maria navigatis ; qui calcatis arenas littorum et 80 
Alpium summitates quae suae sunt 1 7 ; qui publicis qui- 
buscumque gaudetis, et res privatas vinculo suae legis, 

110 non aliter, possidetis m . Nolite, n velut ignari, decipere 
vosmetipsos, 8 tamquam somniantes °, in cordibus et di- 

a V . uoluptuose famili miseretur; O. v.f. s. c, libentius vero eius 

miseretur b V. plerumque suppi et uertitur ; O. p. serpentis modo 

torquetur et v. c F.V.huic d V. omits praeparan, leaving hiatus ; 
0. esse paratam e P, insperare ; V. et erate ; O. speratae f P. 

priuitias g P. Euigilare h V. omits incolae Latiales, leaving hiatus ; 
O. i. Italiae * P. rengnum j P. tamen k O. aspectum. Qui 

1 P. sue que suni ; V.O. qu{a)e sunt su(a)e m P. presidetis, with alias 
possidetis written above n 0. possidetis ; noliie ° P. sopniantes 

1 Disobedience, which was the cause of the fall of man ; cf. Par. 
xiii. 37-9; xxvi. 115-17; xxxii. 122-3. 

2 That is, both tlie rebellious and the oppressed of §§ 3-5. 

3 For the use of Latialis in the sense of 'Italian', cf. 'Latiale 
caput' (of Rome) in Epist. viii. 150. 

4 Cf. Mon. i. 12, 11. 45-8: ' humanum genus . . . existens sub 
Monarcha (i. e. the Roman Emperor) est potissime liberum ' ; and 
Epist. vi. 157-64. B Aen. i. 613. 6 Prov. v. 15. 

7 See Parodi, in Bull. Soc. Dant. Ital., N.S. xix. 255 ; and cf. 1. 153 : 
1 quae sua sunt '. 8 Jerem. xxxvii. 8. 


centes a \ ' Dominnm non habemus \~ Hortus enim eius 85 
et lacus est quod coelum circuit ; nam b * Dei est mare 

115 et ipse fecit illud, et aridam fundaverunt manus eius\ c3 
Unde d Deum Romanum e principem praedestinasse re- 
lucet in miris effectibus 4 ; et verbo Verbi confirmasse 
posterius f 5 profitetur Ecclesia. 90 

120 § 8. Nempe si * a creatura mundi invisibilia Dei, per 
ea quae facta sunt, intellecta g conspiciuntur ' 6 ; et si 
ex notioribus h nobis innotiora 7 ; simpliciter* interest^ 

125 humanae apprehensioni, ut k per motum coeli motorem 
intelligamus l et eius velle : facile praedestinatio haec 95 
etiam leviter intuentibus m innotescet". Nam si a 
prima scintillula huius ignis 08 revolvamus praeterita, 
ex quo scilicet Argis hospitalitas est p a Phrygibus 

a O. somniantes in corclibns, et dicentes b P. num ° V. est 

,l P. num e P. omits Romanum f P. omits posterius ; V. propreerius 
g P. rellitta ; 0. intellectu h P. nutioribus, with alias notioribus written 
above ' 0. similiter j P. iter est k V. ne ! P. inteUigimus 
m P. omits intuentibns n P.V. innotescat ° V . a prima huius ignis ; 
O.ap.h.i. favilla p 0. omits es 

1 The punctuation of the Oxfortl text is obviously wrong ; cf. 
Psalm iv. 5 ; x. 6, 11, 13 ; xiii. 1 ; xxxiv. 25 ; &c. 

2 1 Kings xxii. 17 ; Psalm xiii. 1 ; lii. 1. 

3 Psalm xciv. 5 ; with a recollection of Oen. i. 9. 

4 See the references in the Dante Dictionary, s.v. Romani 1 , and 
especially Mon. ii. 4. 

s This conjectural emendation of the meaningless reading of V. 
is based on the poscia of the early Italian translation (ed. 1754). 
« Rom. i. 20 ; cf. Mon. ii. 2, li. 72-3. 

7 Aristotle, Physics, i. 1; cf. Conv. ii. 1, 11.107-12; A. T. § 20, 11. 19-23. 

8 The 'blaze', that is, of the glory of the Eoman Empire. 

9 'Argi' was used in late and mediaeval Latin for 'Argivi'; 
thus in the commentary of the pseudo-Fulgentius on the Thebaid 
we find : 'Argeos grece, providentia latine, unde Greci dicuntur 
Argi, id est providi ' ; and in the Elementarium Doctrinae Rudimentum 


130 denegata a ] ; et usque ad Octaviani triumphos mundi 
gesta revisere vacet 2 ; nonnulla b eorum videbimus loo 
humanae virtutis omnino culmina transcendisse, 3 et 

135 Deum per homines, tamquam per c coelos novos, 4 aliquid 
operatum fuisse. Non etenim d semper nos agimus ; 
quin interdum utensilia Dei sumus ; ac voluntates 
humanae, quibus inest ex natura libertas e5 , etiam in- 105 

140 ferioris affectus immunesquandoque agimtur, et obnoxiae 
voluntati aeternae, saepe illi ancillantur ignare. 6 

a V. deregata b V. nulla ° P. omitsper d V. non eternj 

e P. liberata 

of Papias (c. 1060) : 'Argi graece et argiui dicti ab argo rege filio 
apis. Iidem danai a danao rege. Iidem quoque argolici ab argo ' ; 
and in the Magnae Derivationes of Uguccione da Pisa (c. 1200) : 
'Argos nomen civitatis in Grecia, neutri generis et indeclinabile 
in singulari, sed in plurali masculini generis, et declinatur Argi 
-orum, unde dicti sunt Argi, vel ab Argo rege dicuntur.' An actual 
instance of the use of Argi for Argivi occurs in the Antiqua Translatio 
of the Ethics, a work familiar to Dante, as was the Derivationes of 
Uguccione. Aristotle, speaking of the ' valour of ignorance ' at the 
end of chap. 8 of Book iii, says that those who go into a fight under 
a false apprehension take to fiight as soon as they discover that 
they have been deceived, *as was the case with the Argives when 
they fell upon the Lacedaemonians, mistaking them for Sicyonians', 
which is rendered in the Antiqua Travslatio : ' quod Argi patiebantur 
incidentes Laconibus ut Sicioniis' (Lib. iii, Lect. 17 adfin.). 

1 The reference is to the repulse of the Argonauts by Laomedon 
from the port of Simois, which led to the sacking of Troy by 
Hercules, and the rape of Laomedon's daughter, Hesione, followed 
by the rape of Helen in reprisal, and the consequent Trojan war, 
as is recorded by Dares Phrygius in his De Excidio Trojae (i. 2), and 
repeated by Guido delle Colonne in his Historia Trojana (i. 2), by 
Benoit de Sainte-Maure in the Roman de Troie (11. 989 ff.), by 
Brunetto Latini in his Tresor (i. 32), and by Villani in his Cronica 
(i. 12). (See Mod. Lang. Bev. xi. 69-73.) 

2 Aen.i. 372-3. 8 Seeabove,p.55,n.<t. 4 Tsaiahlxv. 17; 2P^.iii.l3. 
:> Cf. Mon. i. 12, 11. 38-41 ; Par. v. 18-22. 6 Cf. Epist. vi. 100-1. 


§ 9. Et si haec, quae uti a principia sunt ad pro- 
bandum b quod quaeritur, non sufficiunt, quis non ab 

145 illata conclusione per talia praecedentia c mecum d iio 
opinari cogetur, pace ° videlicet f annorum duodecim g 
orbem totaliter amplexata h *, quae sui syllogizantis * 
faciem Dei filium, sicuti opere patrato, ostendit j ? Et 

150 Hic, quum ad revelationem Spiritus, Homo factus, 
evangelizaret in terris, quasi dirimens k duo regna, Sibi 115 
et Caesari universa distribuens, alterutri duxit 1 reddi 
quae sua suni.^ 

155 § 10. Quod si pertinax animus^poscit ulterius, nondum 
annuens veritati, verba Christi examinet etiamjiam ligati ; 
cui quum potestatem suam Pilatus obiceret, Lux nostra 190 
de sursum esse asseruit, quod ille iactabat qui Caesaris 

160 ibi auctoritate vicaria m gerebat officium. 3 'Non igitur 
ambuletis, sicut et gentes ambulant in vanitate sensus 

a V. ubi b P. adprobandum c 0. procedendo d V. cum (after 
hiatus) ; 0. nobiscum e O. pacem f 0. videns K P. omits 

duodecim h 0. amplexatam l V. silogiza , leaving hiatus ; O. syllo- 
gizatoris j V. ostenditur k P. diruens l P. iussit; 0. dixit 

m P. uicarie 

1 Dante's authority here was Orosius : ' Itaque anno ab urbe 
condita dcclii Caesar Augustus ab oriente in occidentem, a septen- 
trione in meridiem, ac per totum Oceani circulum cunctis gentibus 
una pace conpositis, Iani portas tertio ipse tunc clausit; quas ex 
eo per duodecim fere annos quietissimo semper obseratas otio ipsa 
etiam robigo signavit. . . . Igitur eo tempore, id est eo anno quo 
firmissimam verissimamque pacem ordinatione Dei Caesar conpo- 
suit, natus est Christus, cuius adventui pax ista famulata est, in 
cuius ortu audientibus hominibus exultantes angeli cecinerunt, 
Gloria in excelsis Deo, et in terra pax hominibus bonae voluntatis ' 
(Hist. adv. Paganos, vi. 22, §§ 1-2, 5) ; cf. Par. vi. 80-1 ; Conv. iv. 5, 
11. 60-7 ; Mon. i. 16, 11. 10-19. 

2 Mcitt xxii. 21. s John xix< 10-11. 


tenebris obscurati ' l ; sed aperite oculos mentis vestrae, 2 
ac videte quoniam a:j regem nobis coeli et b terrae 125 
165 Dominus ordinavit. Hic est quem Petrus, Dei vicarius, 
honorificare nos monet 4 ; quem Clemens nunc Petri 
successor luce Apostolicae benedictionis illuminat 5 ; ut 
ubi radius spiritualis non sufficit, ibi splendor minoris 
luminaris illustret. 6 130 


To all and singular the Princes ofltaly, and the Senators of 
the Sacred City, as dlso the Dukes, Marquises, Counts, and 
Peoples, a humble Ifalian, Dante Alighieri, a Florentine 
undeservcdly in exile, prayeth peace. 

§ 1. Behold now is the accepted time, wherein arise 
the signs of consolation and peace. For a new day is 
beginning to break, revealing the dawn in the East, which 
even now is dispersing the darkness of our long tribulation. 
Already the orient breeze is freshening, the face of the 
heavens grows rosy, and confirms the hopes of the peoples 
with an auspicious calm. And we too, who have kept 
vigil through the long night in the wilderness, shall behold 
the long-awaited joy. ^For the Sun of peace shall appear 
on high, and justice which, like the heliotrope, deprived of 
his light, had grown faint, so soon as he shall dart forth 

a O. videfe ; quoniam b 0. ac 

1 Ephes. iv. 17-18. 2 See above, p. 15, n. 4. 

3 The punctuation of the Oxford text violates the cursus — ' oculos 
mentis vestrae ' (velox) — besides obscuring the sense. 

4 Cf. 1 Pet ii. 17. 

6 This is an unmistakable reference to Clementfs encyclical of 
Sept. 1, 1310 ('Exultat in gloria'), see above, p. 45, n. 2. 

6 Dante here (as also in Epist. vi. 54-5) accepts the symbolism 
against which he argues in the Le Monarchia (iii. 4), and which he 
rejects in the Commedia (cf. Purg. xvi. 107-8), namely, that the 
greater light represents the Pope, and the lesser the Emperor. 


his rays, once more shall revive. All they that hunger 
and thirst shall be satisfied in the light of his radiance, 
and they that delight in iniquity shall be put to confusion 
before the face of his splendour.X For the strong lion of 
the tribe of Judah hath lifted up his ears in compassion, 
and moved by the lamentations of the multitudes in 
captivity hath raised up another Moses, who shall deliver 
his people from the oppression of the Egyptians, and shall 
lead them to a land nowing with milk and honey. 

§ 2^ Rejoice, therefore, O Italy, thou that art now an 
object of pity even to the Saracens, for soon shalt thou be 
the envy of the whole world, seeing that thy bridegroom , 
the comfort of the nations, and the glory of thy people, 
even the most clement Henry, Elect of God and 
Augustus and Caesar, is hastening to the weddingr^ Dry 
thy tears, and wipe away the stains of thy weeping, most 
beauteous one ; for he is at hand who shall bring thee 
forth from the prison of the ungodly, and shall smite the 
workers of iniquity with the edge of the sword, 1 and shall 
destroy them. And his vineyard shall he let out to other 
husbandmen, who shall render the fruit of justice in the 
time of harvest. 

§ 3. But will he then have mercy on none ? Nav,__for 
he will pardon all those who implore his mercy, since ho 
is Caesar, and his sovereignty derives from the fountain of 
pity. His judgements abhor all severity, for he punishes 
ever on this side the mean, while in rewarding he aims 
ever beyond the mean. Will he then countenance the 
daring of the evil-doers, and drink success to the under- 
takings of the presumptuous ? Far be it, for he is 
Augustus. And being Augustus shall he not take ven- 
geance for the evil deeds of the backsliders, and pursue 
them even unto Thessaly, the Thessaly, I say, of utter 
annihilation ? 

§ 4. Put off from you, ye Lombard race, the barbarism 
ye have acquired, and if aught of Trojan and Latin seed 
yet survive in you, give heed thereto, lest when the eagle 
from on high, swooping down like a thunderbolt, shall 

1 See p. 49, n. 6. 


descend upon you, he find his own young cast out, and 
the place of his offspring usurped by a brood of ravens. 
Up then, ye sons of Scandinavia, and so far as ye may 
show yourselves eager for the presence of him whose 
advent ye now justly await with dread. And be not 
deceived by the wiles of avarice, which witH a charm as 
of the Sirens of old is able to destroy the vigilance of your 
reason. Come before his presence with confession, sub- 
mitting yourselves unto him, and sing a psalm of repen- 
tance unto him with joy, remembering that ' whosoever 
resisteth the power, resisteth the ordinance of God ' ; and 
that whoso fighteth against the divine ordinance, kicketh 
against a will which is as the will of the Almighty ; and 
4 it is hard to kick against the pricks \ 

§ 5. But ye that groan under oppression, lift up your 
hearts, for your salvation is nigh at hand. Take the 
mattock of true humility, and break up the parched clods 
of your pride, making smooth the field of your minds, 
lest perchance the rain from heaven, coming before the 
seed has been sown, fall in vain from on high. Let not 
the grace of God be turned from you, as is the daily dew 
from the rock, but may ye conceive like a fertile valley, and 
put forth green, the green, that is, which shall be fruitful of 
true peace. And when your land shall be green with this 
verdure, the new husbandman of the Romans with greater 
love and more confidence shall yoke the oxen of his 
counsel to the plough. Forbear, forbear, from henceforth, 
well-beloved, who with me have suffered wrong, that the 
shepherd descended from Hector may recognize you as 
sheep of his fold. For though the temporal chastisement 
be committed to his hands from above, yet that he may 
be redolent of the goodness of Him, from whom, as from 
a point, the power of Peter and of Caesar doth bifurcate, 
he delighteth him in the correction of his household, but 
deliehteth him yet more in showing them compassion. 

§ o> Wherefore if ye be not hindered by that inveterate 
sin, which oft-times, like a serpent, is thrown on its back, 
and is turned against itself, ye may hence both the one 
and the other of you perceive that peace is prepared for 


each one, and may even now taste the first-fruits of the 
unlooked-for joy. Awake, therefore, all of you, and rise 
up to meet your King, ye inhabitants of Italy, as being 
reserved not only as subjects unto his sovereignty, but 
also as free peoples unto his guidance. X 

§ 7. And I urge you not only to rise up to meet him, 
but to stand in reverent awe * before his presence, ye who 
drink of his streams, and sail upon his seas ; ye who tread 
the sands of the shores and the summits of the mountains 
that are his ; ye who enjoy all public rights and possess 
all private property by the bond of his law, and no other- 
wise. Be ye not like the ignorant, deceiving your own 
selves, after the manner of them that dream, and say in 
their hearts, ' We have no Lord '. For all within the 
compass of the heavens is his garden and his lake ; for 
' the sea is God's, and He made it, and His hands prepared 
the dry land\ Wherefore it is made manifest by the 
wonders that have been wrought that God ordained the 
Eoman Prince beforehand, and the Church confesses that 
He afterward confirmed him by the word of the Word. 

§ 8. Verily if ' from the creation of the world the in- 
visible things of God are clearly seen, being understood by 
the things that are made', and if through the things 
that are known those that are unknown are revealed to 
us, it is without doubt within the capacity of human 
understanding to comprehend the Mover of the heavens, 
and His will, from the motion thereof. This pre-ordination 
then will be readily apprehended even by such as are but 
casual observers. For if we survey the past, from the first 
tiny spark of this fire, namely from the day when hospi- 
tality was denied to the Argives by the Phrygians, and, 
if time allow, review the events of the world's history 
down to the triumphs of Octavian, we shall see that 
certain of them have altogether transcended the highest 
pitch of human effort, and that God at times has wrought 
through man as though through new heavens. For it is 
not always we who act, but sometimes we are the instru- 

1 ' Obstupescatis ' ; see Dante's definition of 'stupore' in the 
Convivio (iv. 25, 11. 48 ff.). 


rnents of God ; and the human will, in which liberty is 
by nature inherent, at times receives direction untram- 
melled by earthly affections, and subject to the Eternal 
Will oft - times unconsciously becomes the minister 

§ 9 And if these things, which are as it were the pre- 
liminaries for the proof of what we seek, do not suffice, 
who is there who will not be compelled to agree with me 
in the conclusion drawn from such premisses, namely the 
fact that the whole world was wrapped in peace for twelve 
years, whereby is revealed, as with accomplished fact, the 
face of its Syllogizer, namely the Son of God ? And He, 
when, after He had been made man for the revelation of 
the Spirit, He was preaching the gospel upon earth, as if 
He were dividing two kingdoms, apportioned the world t<> 
Himself and to Caesar, and bade that to each should be 
rendered the things that are his. 

§ 10. But if an obstinate mind does not yet assent to 
the truth, and demands further proof, let it consider the 
words of Christ when He was bound ; for when Pilate 
asserted his power against Him, our Light declared that 
power to be from above, of which he boasted who was 
exercising the office of Caesar by vicarious authority. 
■ Walk ye not therefore as the Gentiles walk, in the vanity 
of their senses, shrouded in darkness ' ; but open ye the 
eyes of your mind and behold how the Lord of heaven 
and of earth hath appointed us a king. This is he whom 
Peter, the Vicar of God, exhorts us to honour, and wbom 
\*r Clement, the present successor of Peter, illumines with the 
light of the Apostolic benediction ; that where the spiritual 
ray suffices not, there the splendour of the lesser luminary 
may lend its light. 



(' Aeterni pia providentia Regis') 

[March31, 1311] 

MSS.— This letter, like Epist. i (to Niccolo da Prato), Epist. ii 
(to the Counts of Romena), Epist iv (iii) (to Moroello Malaspina), 
and the three Battifolle letters (Epist. vii*, vii**, vii***), has 
been preserved only in the Cent. xiv Vatican MS. (Cod. Vat,- 
Palat. Lat. 1729), in which it occurs second in order of the nine 
letters contained in the MS., being placed between Epist. vii 
(to the Emperor Henry VII) and the first Battifolle letter 
(Epist vii*). 1 

Printed Texts. 2 — 1. Torri (1842): Epist. vi (op. cit., pp. 
36-42). 2. Fraticelli (1857) : Epist. vi (op. cit, pp. 474-82). 
3. Giuliani (1882) r Epist. vi (op. cit., pp. 17-21). 4. A. Bartoli 
(1884) : in Storia della Letteratura Italiana (Firenze, 1884 ; vol. v, 
pp. 225-8). 5. Scartazzini (1890) : in Prolegomeni della Divina 
Commedia (Leipzig, 1890; pp. 106-9). 6. Moore(1894) : Epist. 
vi (op. cit., pp. 407-9). 7. Passerini (1910) : Epist. vi (op. cit., 
pp. 44-60). 8. Paget Toynbee (1912) : (diplomatic transcript 
of the MS. text, together with collations of the various readings 
of the several printed editions of the letter, and a list of proposed 
emendations in the Oxford text) in Modern Language Review 
(vol. vii, pp. 14-19). 9. PagetToynbee (1917) : (emended text, 
with list of passages in which this text differs from that of the 
Oxford Dante) in Modern Language Review (vol. xii, pp. 182-6). 
10. [Della Torre] (1917) : Epist. x (op. cit, pp. 255-63). 

Translations. 2 — Italian. 1. Torri (1842) : op. cit, pp. 37- 
43. 2. Fraticelli (1857): op. cit, pp. 475-83. 3. Passerin 

1 See above, p. 1. 

2 For titles of editions referred to here as already quoted, see 
above, pp. 1-2. 


(1910) : op. cit., pp. 45-61. 4. Scherillo (1918) : (extracts) op. cit., 
vol. i, pp. 167-9. — German. 1 1. Kannegiesser (1845) : op\ cit., 
pp. 181-6. 2. Scartazzini (1879) : (extracts) vaDanteAlighieri, 
seine Zeit, sein Leben und seine Werhe (pp. 392-3). 3. F. X. 
Wegele (1879) : (extracts) in Dante Alighieris Lehen und WerTce 
{ Jena, 1897 ; pp. 2^-l).—English. 1. Latham (1891) : op. cit., 
pp. 141-9. 2. Wicksteed (1898) : in A Provisional Translation 
of Dantes Political Letters (pp. 10-15). 3. Wicksteed (1904): 
(revised trans.) in Translation of the Latin Works of Dante 
Alighieri (pp. 316-22. 4. Paget Toynbee (1917): in Moderu 
Language Revieiv, vol. xii, pp. 187-91 (see below, pp. 77-81). 

Authenticity.-- The authenticity ofthis letter, which, like 
those to the Princes and Peoples of Italy (Epist. v) and to the 
Emperor Henry VII (Epist. vii), was written by Dante in his 
own name, 2 is beyond question. It was known to Bruni, who 
refers to it in his Vita di Dante : l Essendo [Dante] in questa 
speranza di ritornare per via di perdono, sopravvennel' elezione 
cPArrigo di Luzinborgo imperadore ; per la cui elezione prima, 
e poi la passata sua, essendo tutta Italia sollevata in speranza 
di grandissime novita, Dante non pote tenere il proposito suo 
dell' aspettare grazia ; ma, levatosi coll' animo altiero, comincio 
a dir male di quelli che reggevano la terra, appellandoli 
scellerati e cattivi, e minacciando loro la debita vendetta per la 
potenza dell' imperadore, contro la quale diceva esser manifesto 
ch'e8si non avrebbon potuto avere scampo alcuno.' 3 This letter 
is supposed (see Zenatti, Dante e Firenze, pp. 418-19) to have 
been known independently to Giannozzo Manetti, who in his 
Vita Dantis says that when the Emperor advanced to besiege 
Florence the hopes of the Florentine exiles who flocked to his 
camp ran high — • Proinde Dantes quoque se ulterius continere 

1 An abstracfc of the letter, with extracts from it in German, 
was published by Witte in 1838 in his article Neu avfgefundene 
Briefe des Dante Allighieri (see above, p. 2, n. 2), which was re- 
printed in his Dante-Forschungen (see vol. i, pp. 482-6). 

2 See above, p. 44. 

s Ed. Biancbi, p. xxi. 


non potuit, quin spe plenus epistolam quamdam ad Florentinos, 
ut ipse vocat intrinsecos contumeliosam sane scriberet, in qua 
eos acerbissime insectatur; quumante hac de ipsis honorificen- 
tissime loqui solitus esset ' — a statement which contains an un- 
mistakable reference to the title of the letter (' scelestissimis 
Florentinis intrinsecis '). But Manetti is here simply echoing 
a passage in Bruni's Historia Florentina : l Extat Dantis poetae 
epistola amarissimis referta contumeliis, quam ipse inani fiducia 
exultans, contra Florentinos, ut ipse vocat, intrinsecos scripsit ; 
et quos ante id tempus honorificentissimis compellare solebat 
verbis, tunc huius (i.e. of the Emperor) spe supra modum 
elatus, acerbissime insectari non dubitat' (ed. 1610, p. 88). It 
may be noted, further, that Manetti states that the letter, which 
is dated March 31, 1311, was written at the time of the siege of 
Florence, which did not begin till the autumn of 1312. (See 
Modern Langnage Review, xiv. 111-12). 

Date. — This is one of three among the letters attributed to 
Dante which is specifically dated, the other two being the letter 
to the Emperor (Epist. vii), and the last Battifolle letter (Epist. 
vii***). In all three, while the day of the month (in this case 
March 31) is indicated in the usual manner by means of the 
Roman Calendar^the year is given as the first year of a new era, 
namely that of the advent of the Emperor into Italy — 'faustis- 
simi cursus Henrici Caesaris * ad Italiam anno primo ' (i. e. 

Summary. — § 1. The Holy Roman Empire divinely instituted 
for the proper governance of mankind, and for the maintenance 
of peace ; as is testified both by the Scriptures and by pagan 
writers ; and as is manifest from the fact that when the throne 
of Augustus is vacant the whole world goes out of course, Italy 
meanwhile being like a ship abandoned to the windsand waves. 
Wherefore let all who seek to oppose the will of God look for 
the divine vengeance, which is nigh at hand. § 2. The 
Florentines warned of the madness of their resistance to the 
Emperor, the minister of God, and of their design to set up an 

1 In Epist. vii, * divi Henrici \ 

2165 F 


independent sovereignty — if there be room for two teraporal 
powers, why not for two spiritual powers also ? Their 
head-strong wickedness certain to bring upon them condign 
punishment. § 3. Do they imagine that their paltry fortifica- 
tions will avail to protect them from the wrath of the Emperor, 
which will be but the more inflamed against them by reason of 
their futile resistance ? § 4. Their city doomed to destruction, 
and the inhabitants to death or captivity or exile — they shall 
suffer, in short, for their disloyalty all the miseries endured by 
the people of Saguntum for their loyalty. § 5. Let them not 
take confidence from the unlooked-for success of the men of 
Parma against the second Frederick, let them rather bethink 
them of the fate of Milan and Spoleto at the hands of Barba- 
rossa. Insensate fools! not to perceive how they are rushing 
on their fate, in their resistance to the divine law, in the true 
observance of which is perfect liberty. § 6. Destruction awaits 
Florence a second time, if they repent not ere it be too late. 
Let them remember that Henry, the elect of God, has taken 
upon him his heavy task not for his own sake, but for the 
public weal ; and if they hope for pardon let them consider 
that the hour for repentance is now at hand, forthe impenitent 
sinner shall be smitten so that he shall surely die. 

Dantes Alagherii* Florentinus et exul immeritus 
scelestissimis Florentinis intrinsecis} 

§ 1. Aeterni pia providentia Regis, qui dum coelestia 

sua bonitate perpetuat, infera nostra despiciendo non 

5 deserit, sacrosancto Romanorum imperio res humanas 

MS. = Cod. Vat.-Palat. Lat. 1729 O. = Oxford Dante 

a 0. Aligherius 

1 This was the usual term for those within the city ; cf. the title 
of Pope Clement IVs bull of Nov. 22, 1266 : ' Universis civibus 
Florentinis intrinsecis et extrinsecis ' (apud Potthast, Regesta 
Pontificum Romanorum, No. 19878). 


disposuit gubernandas, ut sub tanti serenitate praesidii 
genus mortale quiesceret, et ubique, natura poscente, 5 
civiliter degeretur. 1 Hoc etsi divinis comprobatur 

10 elogiis a 2 , hoc etsi solius podio rationis innixa contestatur 
antiquitas, 3 non leviter tamen veritati applaudit, quod b 
solio Augustali vacante totus orbis exorbitat, 4 quod 
nauclerus et remiges in navicula Petri dormitant, 5 et 10 

15 quod Italia misera, sola, privatis arbitriis derelicta, 
omnique c publico moderamine destituta, quanta ven- 
torum fluctuumque fl concussione feratur c verba non 
caperent, 7 sed et vix Itali e infelices lacrymis metiuntur. 

20 Igitur in hanc Dei manifestissimam voluntatem quicum- 15 
que temere praesumendo tumescunt, si gladius eius qui 

a 0. eloquiis b MS. sed ° MS. omnibasque d MS. Jluentuum ue 
e MS. italie 

1 Cf. Conv. iv. 4, 11. 111-31 ; 5, 11. 60-9 ; Mon. i. 5 ; ii. 1, 11. 11-20. 

2 The substitution of eloquiis for elogiis is quite uncalled for. 
Papias says : ' Elogium, titulus cuiuslibet rei, proverbium, . . . elo- 
quium . . . divinum responsum ' ; and Uguccione da Pisa and 
Giovanni da Genova : ' hoc ehgium, idest proverbium et responsum 
divinum . . . et textus carminum . . . vel deorum mysterium ; unde 
hic elogius, versiculus \ Du Cange quotes instances of the use of 
elogium in Cent. xii and xiv in the sense of testamentum, in which 
sense it occurs repeatedly in the Pandects of Justinian. On the 
other hand the phrase divina eloquia occurs twice (in at least one 
MS., as well as in the printed editions) in the De Monarchia (iii. 4, 
1. 88 ; 10, 1. 13 ; cf. ii. 9, 1. 101). 

3 That is, it is testified to both by the Scriptures and by pagan 
writers ; for the latter, cf. Mon. ii. 4, 11. 23-70. 

4 Cf. Epist. viii. 45-6. 

B Cf. Par. xi. 119 : ' la barca di Pietro ' ; and Conv. iv. 5, 1. 67 : ' la 
nave della umana compagnia '. 

6 Cf. Purg. vi. 76-7 : l Italia . . . Nave senza nocchiere in gran 
tempesta ' ; cf. also Mon. i. 16, 11. 26 ff. 

7 Cf. Epist. iii (iv). 14-15. t 



dicit, 'mea est ultio', 1 de coelo non cecidit, ex nunc 

25 severi iudicis adventante iudicio pallore notentur. 

§ 2. Vos autem divina iura et humana transgredientes, 
quos dira cupiditatis ingluvies paratos in omne nefas 20 

30 illexit, nonne terror secundae mortis 2 exagitat, ex quo, 
primi et soli iugum libertatis a horrentes, in Romani 
principis, Mundi regis et Dei ministri, gloriam fre- 
muistis 4 ; atque iure praescriptionis utentes, debitae 

35 subiectionis officium denegando, in rebellionis vesaniam 25 
maluistis insurgere ? 5 An ignoratis, amentes et discoli, 6 
pubiica iura cum sola temporis terminatione finiri, et 
nullius praescriptionis calculo fore obnoxia a ? Nempe 

40 legum sanctiones almae b7 declarant, et humana ratio 
percunctando decernit, publica rerum dominia, quanta- 30 
libet diuturnitate neglecta, nunquam posse vanescere vel 

45 abstenuata conquiri c . Nam quod ad omnium cedit 
utilitatem, sine omnium detrimento interire non potest, 
vel etiam infirmari. Et hoc Deus et natura non vult, 
et mortalium penitus abhorreret adsensus d . Quid e fatua 35 

50 tali opinione submota, tamquam alteri Babylonii, 8 pium 
deserentes imperium nova regna tentatis, ut alia sit 
Florentina civilitas, alia sit Romana ? Cur apostolicae f 

a MS. dbnoxias b 0. altissime c MS. conqueri d MS. ascensus 
e MS. quod f MS. apostolocice 

1 Deut. xxxii. 35. 2 Eev. xxi. 8; cf. Inf. i. 117. 

3 Cf. Epist. i. 29: 'iugum piae legis'; and 11. 157-60 of this 

4 Cf. Mon. ii. 1, 11. 22-3. 6 Cf. Epist. vii. 155. 

6 1 Peter ii. 18. 7 See note on Epist. v, tit. 2. 

8 By Babylonii here Dante evidently means the builders of the 
Tower of Babel ; cf. Gen. xi. 4: 'Venite, faciamus nobis civitatem, 
et turrim. . . \ 


monarchiae similiter invidere non libet; ut si Delia 

55 geminatur in coelo, geminetur et Delius ? l Atqui si 40 
male ausa 2 rependere vobis non est terrori, 3,3 territet 
saltem b obstinata praecordia, quod non modo sapientia, 

60 sed initium eius 4 ad poenam culpae vobis ablatum est. 
Nulla etenim conditio delinquentis formidolosior, quam 
impudenter et sine Dei timore quidquid libet agentis. 45 
Hac nimirum persaepe animadversione percutitur im- 

65 pius, ut moriens obliviscatur sui, qui dum viveret oblitus 
est Dei. 

§ 3. Sin prorsus arrogantia vestra insolens adeo roris 
altissimi, ceu cacumina Gelboe, 5 vos fecit exsortes, ut 50 

70 senatus aeterni consulto restitisse timori non fuerit, nec 
etiam non timuisse timetis ; numquid timor ille perni- 
ciosus, humanus videlicet atque mundanus, abesse 

75 poterit, superbissimi vestri sanguinis vestraeque multum 
lacrymandae rapinae inevitabili naufragio properante ? 55 
An septi vallo ridiculo cuiquam defensioni confiditis c ? 
O male concordes ! O mira cupidine obcaecati d 6 ! Quid 

a MS., 0. vobis terrori non est b MS. saltin c MS. confidetis 

d MS., 0. caecati 

1 That is, the Moon and the Sun, typifying, as *the lesser and 
the greater light ', the Empire and the Papacy — see Epist. v. 169-70, 
and note. 2 Cf. Epist. vii. 152. 

3 The MS. reading violates the cursus; the reading in the text 
follows a suggestion of Parodi (see Bull. Soc. Dant. Ital., N.S. xix. 258). 

4 Psalm cx. 10 : ' initium sapientiae timor Domini '. 

5 2 Sam. i. 21 ; cf. Purg. xii. 41-2. 

6 The MS. reading violates the cursus ; the reading in the text is 
due to a suggestion of Parodi (Bull. Soc. Dant. Ital., N.S. xix. 258), 
who proposes occaecati. The word obcaecare occurs several times in 
the Vulgate (e. g. Ecclus. xxv. 24 ; xliii. 4 ; Mark vi. 52 ; 1 John ii. 
11) ; the phrase ' obcaecati cupiditate ' occurs in Cicero's De Finibus 
(i. 10), a work with which Dante was familiar. 


80 vallo sepsisse, quid propugnaculis vos a et pinnis b x ar- 
masse iuvabit, 2 quum advolaverit aquila in auro terri- 
bilis, 3 quae nunc Pirenen, nunc Caucason, nunc Atlanta 4 60 
supervolans, militiae coeli 5 magis confortata sufflamine 6 

85 vasta maria quondam transvolando despexit ? Quid, 
quum adfore stupescetis, miserrimi hominum, delirantis 
Hesperiae 7 domitorem ? Non equidem spes quam frustra 
a MS. omits vos b 0. p. etp. vos 

1 This reading follows a suggestion of Parodi (loc. cit.). 

2 This refers to the fortifications hastily erected by the Floren- 
tines in the previous winter in order to withstand the Emperor, 
who had crossed the Alps into Italy at the end of October; 
cf. Villani (ix. 10) : ' Nel detto anno il di di sant' Andrea [Nov. 30, 
1310], i Fiorentini per tema della venuta dello 'mperadore si 
ordinarono a chiudere la citta di fossi dalla porta a San Gallo 
infino alla porta di santo Ambrogio . . . e poi infino al fiume 
d'Arno : e poi, dalla porta di San Gallo infino a quella dal Prato 
d'Ognissanti, erano gia fondate le mura, si le feciono inalzare otto 
braccia. E questo lavoro fu fatto subito e in.poco tempo, la qual 
cosa fermamente fu poi lo scampo della citta di Firenze . . . im- 
percioeche la citta era tutta schiusa, e le mura vecchie quasi gran 
parte disfatte, e vendute a' prossimani vicini per allargare la citta 
vecchia, e chiudere i borghi e la giunta nuova.' 

3 The Imperial standard was a black eagle on a field of gold (' il 
campo ad oro e V aguglia nera ', Villani, iv. 4) ; this no doubt was 
what Dante imagined the ancient Koman standard to have been 
(cf. Purg. x. 80-1 : ' 1'aquile nell' oro . . . in vista al vento si 
movieno , of the standards of the Emperor Trajan). 

4 Representing respectively the W.-most, E.-most, and S.-most 
mountain ranges of the then civilized world. 

5 Deut. xvii. 3 ; Acts vii. 42. 

6 Sufflamen is here used not in its classical sense of 'drag' or 
'check', but in its mediaeval sense of 'support'. Uguccione da 
Pisa and Giovanni da Genova say : ' Sufflare, idest appodiare, fulcire, 
appodiamen supponere ; unde hoc snfflamen . . . appodiamen, scilicet cui 
aliquid innititur ut sustentetur '. 

7 Cf. 'delirantis aevi familiam ' in the first Battifolle letter 
t. vii*). 


sine more fovetis, reluctantia ista iuvabitur, sed hac 65 

90 obice a iusti regis adventus inflammabitur amplius b , ac 
indignata misericordia semper concomitans eius exerci- 
tum avolabit ; et quo falsae libertatis trabeam * tueri 

95 existimatis, eo verae servitutis in ergastula concidetis . 
Miro namque Dei iudicio quandoque agi credendum est, 70 
ut unde digna supplicia impius d declinare arbitratur, 
inde e in ea gravius praecipitetur ; et qui divinae volun- 

100 tati reluctatus est et sciens et volens, eidem militet 
nesciens atque nolens. 2 

§ 4. Videbitis aedificia vestra non necessitati pru- 75 
denter instructa, sed delitiis inconsulte mutata, quae 

105 Pergama rediviva 8 non cingunt, tam ariete ruere, tristes, 
quam igne cremari. Videbitis plebem circumquaque 
furentem nunc in contraria, pro et contra, deinde f ih 

110 idem adversus vos horrenda clamantem, quoniam simul 80 
et g ieiuna h et timida nescit esse. 4 Templa quoque 
spoliata, quotidie matronarum frequentata concursu, 
parvulosque admirantes et inscios peccata patrum luere 

115 destinatos 5 videre pigebit. Et si praesaga mens 6 mea 

a MS. abice b MS. ampius c MS. cancidetis d MS. ipius 

6 MS. unde f MS. unde g MS. omits et h MS. ienuna 

1 Trabea, which Fraticelli renders by ' bandiera ', and Latham by 
* robe ', is here used in the mediaeval sense, explained by Uguccione 
da Pisa and Giovanni da Genova as ' porticus tecta trabibus ', that 
is literally, a ' porch '. 2 Cf. Epist. v. 135-41. 

3 As Moore notes in Studies in Dante (i. 179), Virgil in three 
passages in the Aeneid (iv. 344 ; vii. 322 ; x. 58) speaks of ' recidiva 
Pergama', for which in two out of the three there is a variant 
' rediviva ', which no doubt was the reading of the MS. used by 
Dante. * Lucan, Phars. iii. 58 : ' Nescit plebes ieiuna timere \ 

5 Cf. Par. vi. 109-10 : ' Molte fiate gia pianser li figli Per la colpa 
del padre '. 6 Cf. Aen. x. 843 : ' praesaga mali mens '. 


non fallitur, sic signis veridicis, sicut inexpugnabilibus 85 
argumentis instructa praenuntians, urbem diutino 
moerore confectam in manus alienorum tradi finaliter, 

120 plurima vestri parte seu nece a seu captivitate b deperdita, 
perpessuri c exilium pauci cum fletu cernetis. Utque 
breviter colligam, quas tulit calamitates illa civitas 90 
gloriosa in fide pro libertate, Saguntum, 1 ignominiose 

125 vos eas in perfidia pro servitute subire necesse est. 

§ 5. Nec ab inopina Parmensium fortuna sumatis au- 
daciam, qui, malesuada fame 2 urgente, murmurantes in 

130 invicem, ' prius moriamur d et in media arma ruamus \ s 95 
in castra Caesaris, absente Caesare, proruperunt. Nam 
et hi, quamquam de Victoria victoriam sint e 4 adepti, 

a MS. neci b MS. captivitati c MS. perpeirsuri d 0. mur- 
murantes invicem prius l moriamur e 0. sunt 

1 Saguntum (an ancient town on the E. coast of Spain, on the 
site of the present Murviedro) was on friendly terms with the 
Romans, and its siege by Hannibal (219-218 b.c.) was the imme- 
diate cause of the Second Punic War. The horrors of the siege, 
which lasted nine months, are described in detail by St. Augustine 
in the De Civilate Dei (iii. 20), who was doubtless Dante's authority. 
St. Augustine lays great stress on the fact that the Saguntines 
underwent all these horrors rather than break faith with Rome — 
' ne Romanis frangerent fidem '. 

2 Aen. vi. 276. 

8 Aen. ii. 353. The phrase in invicem, the reading of the MS. in the 
previous clause, occurs frequently in the Vulgate (e. g. John vi. 43 ; 
Bom. i. 27 ; xiv. 19 ; 1 Thess. iii. 12 ; v. 15 ; 2 Thess. i. 3). This 
correction restores the cursus — ' (murmur)antes in invicem ' (tardus) 
— which also shows that prius was intended by Dante to fofm part 
of the quotation, the required pause coming not at that word but 
at invicem. 

4 Dante invariably uses quamquam with the subjunctive. 

5 The reference is to an incident during the siege of Parma by 
Frederick II in 1248, which is related by Villani (vi. 34). The 


nihilominus ibi sunt de dolore dolorem memorabiliter 

135 consecuti. Sed recensete fulmina Federici prioris ; et 

Mediolanum consulite pariter et Spoletum T ; quoniam 100 

ipsorum perversione simul et eversione discussa viscera 

140 vestra nimium dilatata frigescent, et corda vestra 

nimium ferventia contrahentur. 2 Ha a Tuscorum va- 

nissimi, tam natura quam vitio insensati b ! Quam c in 

noctis tenebris malesanae mentis pedes 3 oberrent ante 105 

145 oculos pennatorum, 4 nec perpenditis nec d figuratis ignari. 

a 0. Ah b MS. incensati c O. Quantum d MS. omits nec 

Emperor, in order to hasten the reduction of the town, built 
a fortress to face it which he called Victoria. One day, however, 
while the Emperor was absent on a hunting expedition, the 
Parmesans, rendered desperate by famine, made a sortie, and 
captured and destroyed the fortress, taking at the same time an 
immense booty including the Imperial crown, and forcing the 
Emperor to retire to Cremona. 

1 Villani records (v. 1) how the Emperor Frederick Barbarossa 
besieged and destroyed Spoleto in 1152, and Milan in 1157, the 
site of the latter being ploughed and sown with salt ; cf. Purg. xviii. 

2 One might be tempted at first sight to suggest that the verbs 
in these two sentences have accidentally got transposed ; but the 
cursus— 1 (dila)tata frigescent' (planus), * (fer)ventia contrahentur ' 
(velox) — proves that no such hypothesis is admissible. 

3 A bold metaphor, with which may be compared ' humana 
ratio propriis pedibus ' (Mon. ii. 8, 1. 9) ; 'spatulas iudicii' (V. E. 
i. 6, 1. 22) ; and ' piedi del coto ' (Par. iii. 26-7). 

4 'Pennati', i.e. those who have attained to years of discretion, 
men of experience. Cf. Prov. i. 17, and Purg. xxxi. 61-3 : 'Nuovo 
augelletto due o tre aspetta ; Ma dinanzi dagli occhi dei pennuti 
Eete si spiega indarno o si saetta.' Pistelli (Bull. Soc. Dant. Ital., 
N.S. xxiv. 64) makes the plausible suggestion that the words 
' et rete frustra iaciatur ' have been accidentally omitted by the 
copyist, and that the sentence should read : ' Quam in noctis 
tenebris malesanae mentis pedes oberrent, et rete frustra iaciatur 
ante oculos pennatorum '. 


Vident namque vos pennati et immaculati in via, 1 quasi 
stantes in limine a carceris, et miserantem quempiam, ne 
forte vos liberet captivatos et b2 in compedibus ad- 

150 strictos et manicis, propulsantes. Nec advertitis c domi- lio 
nantem cupidinem, quia caeci estis, venenoso susurrio d 3 
blandientem, minis frustatoriis 4 cohibentem, nec non 

155 captivantem e vos in lege peccati, 6 ac sacratissimis legi- 
bus, quae iustitiae naturalis imitantur imaginem, parere 
vetantem ; observantia quarum, si laeta, si libera, non 115 
tantum non servitus esse probatur, quin immo, perspica- 

160 citer intuenti, liquet 6 ut f est ipsa summa libertas. Nam 
quid aliud haec nisi liber cursus voluntatis in actum, quem 
suis leges mansuetis expediunt ? Itaque solis existentibus 

165 liberis qui voluntarie legi obediunt, quos g vos esse 120 
censebitis, qui, dum praetenditis libertatis affectum, 
contra leges universas in legum principem conspiratis ? 

a MS. lumine b MS. etiam c MS. aduertis d 0. susurro 

e MS. captiuiiaiem f 0. quin immo perspicaciter intuenti liguet, ut 

s MS. quas 

1 Psalm cxviii. 1. 

2 Pistelli (loc. cit.) suggests that for the eiiam {%) of the MS. the 
correct reading may be et iam. 

3 Susurrium was a recognized mediaeval form ; Giovanni da 
Genova, s. v. susurro, says : l unde hoc susurrium, -rii, murmnr, 
latens locutio', and he quotes as an instance Job iv. 12, where, 
however, the modern Vulgate reads not susurrii but susurri. Du 
Cange quotes instances of the word from St. Jerome and St. Bernard. 
This correction restores the cursus — ' (su)surrio blandientem' (velox). 

4 Presumably for frustratoriis. Wicksteed renders ' with scourging 
threats ', as though the word were connected with Italian frustare, 
1 to whip ' ; but there seems to be no warrant for this. 

5 Rom. vii. 23. 

6 The cursus — ' (perspi)caciter intuoiiti' (velox) — shows tliat the 
pause comes not at liquet but at intuenti. 


§ 6. O miserrima Faesulanorum propago, 1 et iterum 

170 iam punita a 2 barbaries ! An parum timoris praelibata 

incutiunt ? Omnino vos tremere arbitror vigilantes, 125 

quamquam spem simuletis in facie verboque mendaci, 

atque in somniis expergisci plerumque, sive pavescentes 

175 infusa praesagia, sive diurna consilia recolentes. Verum 

si merito trepidantes insanisse poenitet non dolentes, 3 

ut in amaritudinem poenitentiae metus dolorisque rivuli b 130 

180 confluant, vestris animis infigenda supersunt, quod 

Romanae rei baiulus, 4 hic divus c5 et triumphator 6 

a 0. Punica b MS. riuoli c O. baiulus hic, divus 

1 Cf. Inf xv. 61-2 : ' QuelF ingrato popolo maligno, Che discese 
di Fiesole ab antico * ; and 1. 73 : ' le bestie Fiesolane ', i. e. the 
Florentines. According to the Florentine tradition, Fiesole, after 
being besieged by Julius Caesar for neai*ly nine years, was destroyed 
by the Komans, who then founded Florence, which was peopled 
with a mixture of Komans and Fiesolans (cf. Villani, i. 31-8). 

2 The Punica of the Oxford text is due to a misreading of the MS. 
by the original transcriber. The correction is due in the first 
place to W. Meyer (see his Fragmenta Burana, Berlin, 1901, pp. 156-7), 
who suspected Punica, not only on account of the doubtful Latinity 
of the phrase 'iterum iam Punica barbaries', but also as violating 
the cursus, which is restored — ' (pu)nita barbaries ' (tardus) — by the 
correction. There is no doubt as to the MS. reading. Dante here 
threatens the Florentines with the destruction of their city a second 
time, the first having been, as he and his contemporaries believed, 
at the hands of Attila (cf. Inf. xiii. 148-9), or Totila (cf. Villani, 
ii. 1 ; iii. 1). (See Moore, Sludies in Dante, iv. 280-1.) As a matter 
of fact there appears to be no truth in the tradition (which doubt- 
less arose from a confusion of Attila with Totila, King of the 
Ostrogoths, by whose forces Florence was besieged in 542) that 
Florence was destroyed either by Attila or Totila. 

3 Cf. 2 Cor. vii. 9-10. 4 Cf. Par. vi. 73. 

5 All the editors punctuate ' baiulus hic, divus' ; but the cursus — 
'(Romanae) r<5i baiulus' (ra)— shows that hic belongs to the next 
clause, as indeed all the Italian editors recognize in their transla- 
tion, which is in contradiction with their text. 

6 Cf. Epist. vii tit. 


Henricus, non sua privata sed publica mundi commoda 
sitiens, ardua pro a nobis aggressus est, sua sponte poenas 

185 nostras participans, tamquam ad ipsum, post Christum, 135 
digitum prophetiae propheta direxerit Isaias, quum, 
Spiritu Dei revelante, praedixit : ' Vere languores nostros 
ipse tulit,et dolores nostros ipse portavit.' 1 Igitur tempus 

190 amarissime poenitendi vos temere b praesumptorum c , si 
dissimulare non vultis, adesse conspicitis. Et sera poeni- 140 
tentia hoc a modo 2 veniae genitiva non erit ; quin potius 

195 tempestivae animadversionis exordium. Est enim : 
quoniam peccator percutitur ut sine retractatione moria- 
tur. d3 

Scriptum e pridie Kalendas f Apriles 8 in finibus Tu- 145 
sciae 4 sub fonte h Sarni, 5 faustissimi cursus Henrici 

200 Caesaris ad Italiam anno primo. 6 

a MS. quocl ; 0. quaeque pro b MS. tremere c MS. presuptorum 
d MS. riuantur ; 0. revertatur e MS. Scripsit f 0. prid. Kal. 

g MS. aprileis ; 0. Aprilis h 0. fontem 

1 Isaiah liii. 4. 

2 That is, repentance without sorrow (1. 177) ; there is no doubt 
a reference to 2 Cor. vii. 9-10. 

3 The MS. reading is obviously corrupt ; the emendation in the 
text is due to Moore, who thinks it probable that Dante had in 
mind the Biblical phrase in the Vulgate (1 Sam. xiv. 39) : ' absque 
retractatione morietur ' (the only instance of the word retractatio in 
the Vulgate). (See Studies in Dante, iv. 281-3.) 

4 Dante was probably at this time the guest of Guido Novello 
di Battifolle, at the castle of Poppi, in the Casentino (cf. the 
colophon of the third Battifolle letter, Epist. vii***). 

6 See note on Epist. iv (iii). 13. The Arno rises, at the height of 
over 4,000 ft. above the sea, among the spurs of Falterona in the 
Tuscan Apennines. The castle of Poppi is situated on the Arno 
some fifteen miles below its actual source. 

6 See above, p. 65. 



Dante Alighieri, a Florentine undeservedly in exile, to thc 
most iniquitous Florentincs within tJie city. 

§ 1. The gracious providence of the Eternal King, who in 
his goodness ever rules the affairs of the world above, yet 
ceases not to look down upon our concerns here below, 
committed to the Holy Roman Empire the governance of 
human affairs, to the end that mankind might repose in 
the peace of so powerful a protection, and everywhere, as 
nature demands, might live as citizens of an ordered 
world. And though the proof of this is to be found in 
holy writ, and though the ancients relying on reason alone 
bear witness thereto, yet is it no small confirmation of the 
truth, that when the throne of Augustus is vacant, the 
whole world goes out of course, the helmsman and rowers 
slumber in the ship of Peter, and unhappy Italy, forsaken 
and abandoned to private control, and bereft of all public 
guidance, is tossed with such buffeting of winds and waves 
as no words can describe, nay as even the Italians in their 
woe can scarce measure with their tears.*X Wherefore let 
all who in mad presumption have risen up against this 
most manifest will of God, now grow pale at the thought 
of the judgement of the stern Judge, which is nigh at hand, 
if so be the sword of Him who saith, ' Vengeance is mine ', 
be not fallen out of heaven. y 

§ 2. *1But you, who transgress every law of God and man, 
and whom the insatiable greed of avarice has urged all too 
willing into every crime, does the dread of the second 
death not haunt you, seeing that you first and you alone, 
shrinking from the yoke of liberty, have murmured 
against the glory of the Roman Emperor, the king of the 
earth, and minister of God ; and under cover of prescrip- 
tive right, refusing the duty of submission due to him, 
have chosen rather to rise up in the madness of rebellion ?Y 
Have you to learn, senseless and perverse 1 as you are, 
that public right can be subject to no reckoning by 

1 ' Discoli' — the word occurs in the Vulgate (1 Peter ii. 18). 


prescription, but must endure so long as time itself 
endures ? Verily the sacred precepts of the law declare, 
and human reason after inquiry has decided, that public 
control of affairs, however long neglected, can never become 
of no effect, nor be superseded, however much it be 
weakened. For nothing which tends to the advantage of 
all can be destroyed, or even impaired, without injury to 
all — a thing contrary to the intention of God and nature, 
and which would be utterly abhorrent to the opinion of 
all mankind. Wherefore, then, being disabused of such 
an idle conceit, do you abandon the Holy Empire, and, 
like the men of Babel once more, seek to found new 
kingdoms, so that there shall be one polity of Florence, 
and another of Kome ? And why should not the Apostolic 
govemment be the object of a like envy, so that, if the one 
twin of Delos have her double in the heavens, the other 
should have his likewise l ? But if reflection upon your 
evil designs bring you no fears, at least let this strike 
terror into your hardened hearts, that as the penalty for 
your crime not only wisdom, but the beginning of wisdom, 2 
has been taken from you. For no condition of the sinner 
is more terrible than that of him who, shamelessly and 
without the fear of God, does whatsoever he lists. Full 
often, indeed, the wicked man is smitten with this 
punishment, that as during life he has been oblivious of 
God, so when he dies he is rendered oblivious of himself. 
§ 3. But if your insolent arrogance has so deprived you 
of the dew from on high, like the mountain-tops of Gilboa, 
that you have not feared to resist the decree of the eternal 
senate, and have felt no fear at not having feared, shall 
that deadly fear, to wit human and worldly fear, not over- 
whelm you, when the inevitable shipwreck of your proud 
race, and the speedy end of your deeply to be rued law- 
lessness, shall be seen to be hard at hand ? Do you put 

1 'Delia' and 'Delius' (Diana and Apollo), that is, the Moon 
and the Sun, typifying, as 'the lesser and the greater light', the 
Empire and the Papacy (cf. Mon. iii. 4, 11. 10-21). 

2 'The fear of the Lord is the beginning of wisdom' (Psalm 
cxi. 10). 


your trust in defences, in that you are girt about by a con- 
temptible rampart? Oyou of one mind only for evil ! 
O you blinded by wondrous greed ! What shall it avail 
you to have girt you with a rampart, and to have fortified 
yourselves with bulwarks and battlements, when, terrible 
in gold, the eagle shall swoop down upon you, which, 
soaring now over the Pyrenees, now over Caucasus, now 
over Atlas, ever strengthened by the support of the host of 
heaven, gazed down of old on the vast expanse of ocean in 
its flight ? What shall these avail you, most wretched of 
men, when you stand confounded in the presence of him 
who shall subdue the raging of Hesperia? The hopes 
which you vainly cherish in your unreason will not be 
furthered by your rebellion ; but by this resistance the 
just wrath of the king at his coming will be but the more 
inflamed against you, and mercy, which ever accompanies 
his army, shall fly away indignant ; and where you think 
to defend the threshold of false liberty, there in sooth 
shall you fall into the dungeon of slavery. For by the 
wondrous judgement of God, as we must believe, it some- 
times comes to pass that by the very means whereby the 
wicked man thinks to escape the punishment which is his 
due, he is the more fatally hurried into it ; and that he 
who wittingly and willingly is a rebel against the divine 
will, is unwittingly and unwillingly a soldier in its 

§ 4. The buildings which you have raised, not in 
prudence to serve your needs, but have recklessly altered 
to gratify your wantonness, these, encircled by no walls 
of a renovated Troy, to your grief you shall see crumble 
beneath the battering-ram, arid devoured by the flames. 
The populace which now, divided against itself, rages 
indiscriminately, some for you, some against you, you 
shall then see united in their imprecations against you, 
for the starving mob knows nothing of fear. With 
remorse, too, you shall behold the spoliation of your 
temples, thronged daily by a concourse of matrons, and 
your children doomed in wonder and ignorance to sufter 
f or the sins of their f athers. And if my prophetic soul be 
not deceived, which announces what it has been taught by 


infallible signs and incontrovertible arguments, your city, 
worn out with ceaseless mourning, shall be delivered at 
the last into the hands of the stranger, after the greatest 
part of you has been destroyed in death or captivity ; and 
the few that shall be left to endure exile shall witness her 
downfall with tears and lamentation. Those sufferings, 
in short, which for liberty's sake the glorious city of 
Saguntum endured in her loyalty, you in your disloyalty 
must undergo with shame but to become slaves. 

§ 5. And beware of gathering confidence from the 
unlooked-for success of the men of Parma, who under the 
spur of hunger, that evil counsellor, murmuring to one 
another, * Let us rather rush into the midst of battle and 
meet death ', broke into the camp of Caesar while Caesar 
was absent. For even they, though they gained a victory 
over Victoria, none the less reaped woe from that woe in 
a way not like to be forgotten. But bethink you of the 
thunderbolts of the first Frederick ; consider the fate of 
Milan and of Spoleto ; for at the remembrance of their 
disobedience and swift overthrow your too swollen flesh 
shall grow chill, and your too hot hearts shall contract. 1 
O most foolish of the Tuscans, insensate alike by 
nature and by corruption, who neither consider nor 
understand in your ignorance how before the eyes of the 
full-fledged the feet of your diseased minds go astray in 
the darkness of night ! For the full-fledged and un- 
defiled in the way behold you standing as it were on the 
threshold of the prison, and thrusting aside any that has 
pity on you, lest haply he should deliver you from 
captivity and loose you from the chains that bind your 
hands and your feet. Nor are ye ware in your blind- 
ness of the overmastering greed which beguiles you with 
venomous whispers, and with cheating threats constrains 
you, yea, and has brought you into captivity to the law 
of sin, and forbidden you to obey the most sacred laws ; 
those laws made in the likeness of natural justice, the 
observance whereof, if it be joyous, if it be free, is not 
only no servitude, but to him who observes with under- 
1 See p. 73, n. 2. 


standing is manifestly in itself the most perfect liberty. 
For what else is this liberty but the free passage from wiil 
to act, which the laws make easy for those who obey them? 
Seeing, then, that they only are free who of their own will 
submit to the law, what do you call yourselves, who, while 
you make pretence of a love of liberty, in defiance of every 
law conspire against the Prince who is the giver of the 

§ 6. most wretched offshoot of Fiesole ! barbarians 
punished now a second time ! Does the foretaste not 
suffice to terrify you ? Of a truth I believe that, for all 
you simulate hope in your looks and lying lips, yet you 
tremble in your waking hours, and ever start from your 
dreams in terror at the portents which have visited you, 
or rehearsing again the counsels you have debated by day. 
But if, while alarmed with good reason, you repent you 
of your madness, yet feel no remorse, then, that the 
streams of fear and remorse may unite in the bitter waters 
of repentance, bear this further in mind, that the guardian 
of the Roman Empire, the triumphant Henry, elect of 
God, thirsting not for his own but for the public good, has 
for our sakes undertaken his heavy task, sharing our 
pains of his own free will, as though to him, after Christ, 
the prophet Isaiah had pointed the finger of prophecy, 
when by the revelation of the Spirit of God he declared, 
'Surely he hath borne our griefs, and carried our sorrows'. 
Wherefore you perceive, if you be not dissemblers, that 
the hour of bitter repentance for your mad presumption 
is now at hand. But a late repentance after this wise will 
not purchase pardon, rather is it but the prelude to 
seasonable chastisement. For ' the sinner is smitten so 
that he shall surely die \ 

Written from beneath the springs of Arno, on the con- 
fines of Tuscany, on the thirty-first day of March in the 
first year of the most auspicious passage of the Emperor 
Henry into Italy. 



( c Immensa Dei dilectione tcstante') 

To the Emperor Henry VII 

[April 17, 1311] 

MSS. — The Latin text of this letter (which, like that to the 
Princes and Peoples of Italy (Epist. v), was first known in an 
early Italian translation, 1 formerly attributed to Marsilio 
Ficino) has been preserved in three MSS.,two of the fourteenth 
century, naniely the Vatican MS. (Cod. Vat-Palat. Lat. 1729) 
already mentioned, in which it occurs first of the nine letters 
attributed to Dante in the MS. 2 ; and Cod. S. Pantaleo 8 in the 
Biblioteca Vittorio Emanuele at Rome, which contains also an 
Italian translation of the letter, as well as the Latin text of 
Epist. v 3 ; and one of the fifteenth century (Cod. Marciano 
Latino xiv. 115) in the Biblioteca Marciana at Venice. 4 The 
relationships between these three texts it is not easy to deter- 
mine. A careful collation shows that V. and P., the two four- 

1 See below, p. 84. The existence of the Latin text was recorded 
in the seventeenth century by Lorenzo Pignoria of Padua (1571- 
1631), who in his notes to the De Rebus Gestis Henrici VII of Albertino 
Mussato mentions that he had in his own possession a MS. of it : 
1 Dantes vatum clarissimus hisce diebus epistolam scripsit Henrico, 
quam nacti in pervetusto codice nostro manuscripto publici iuris 
facere decrevimus, et describi curavimus seorsum in calce spicilegii 
nostri, cum aliis nonnullis eiusdem aevi monumentis ; et eius- 
dem epistolae meminit Jo Villanus, lib. 9, cap. 35. Quam etiam 
Italice redditam vidimus et editam Florentiae, anno 1547' (see 
Muratori, Rerum Italicarum Scriptores, x. 385). 

2 See above, p. 1. 3 See above, p. 42. 

4 This is the MS. from which Witte first printed the Latin text. 
Witte's attention having been drawn to the fact that extracts from 
the letter in Latin were printed in the Catalogue of the Biblioteca 
Muranese, search was made, through the kind offices of the 
Murehese Gian Giacomo Trivulzio, by the Abate Giovanni Antonio 
Moschini, the Prefetto of the Biblioteca Marciana, whither the 


teenth-century MSS. (Vatican and S. Pantaleo), are in agree- 
ment, as against M. (the Marcian MS.), in 75 instances l ; while 
P. and M. are in agreenient, as against V., in 25 instances 2 ; 
and V. and M., as against P., in 18 instances. 3 A strong link 
between P. and M., as against V., is the fact that these two con- 
tain both title and colophon of the letter (though not in entirely 
identical terms), which are omitted in V. On the otber hand, 
M. omits a passage of several lines (11. 152-4 inthe Oxfordtext) 
which is found in both V. and P., and contains a large number 
of blunders 4 which are absent from the other two. A considera- 
tion of the data seems to warrant the conclusion that the 
relationship between V. and P. is on the whole closer than that 
of either of them to M.° 

Printed Texts. 6 — 1. Witte (1827): Epist. vi (op. cit., pp. 
30-46). 2. Fraticelli (1840) : Epist. iii (op. cit., pp. 230-49). 
3. Torri (1842) : Epist. vii (op. cit., pp. 52-60). 4. Fraticelli 
(1857) : Epist. vii (op. cit., pp. 488-98). 5. Giuliani (1882) : 
Epist. vii (op. cit., pp. 22-6). 6. Bartoli (1884) : in Storia della 
Letteratura Italiana (vol. v, pp. 233-6). 7. Scartazzini (1890) : 
in Prolegomeni della Divina Commedia (pp. 111-15). 8. Moore 
(1894): Epist. vii (op. cit., pp. 409-11). 9. Passerini (1910): 
Epist. vii (op. cit, pp. 62-78). 10. Paget Toynbee (1912): 
(diplomatic transcript of the Vatican text, together with 
collations of the various readings of the several printed editions 

spoils of the Murano library had been transferred, with the result 
that the MS. containing the letter was discovered, and placed at 
Witte's disposal for the purposes of his projected edition of Dante's 
letters, afterwards issued at Padua in 1827. 

1 See Appendix D. i. 2 See Appendix D. ii. 

3 See Appendix D. iii. 4 See Appendix D. i. 

5 Parodi, however, as ifc seems to me on insufficient data, thinks 
that P. and M. belong to the same family (see Bull. Soc. Dant. Ital., 
N.S. xix. 253; xxii. 140). P. Wagner, on the other hand, places V. 
and M. in one group, and P. in another (see Die Echtheit der drei 
Kaiserbriefe Dantes, Koln, 1907, p. 11). 

6 For titles of editions referred to here as already quoted, see 
above, pp. 1-2. 



of the letter and a list of proposed emendations in the Oxford 
text) in Modern Language Review (vol. vii, pp. 6-12). 11. Paget 
Toynbee (1912) : (diplomatic transcript of the S. Pantaleo text, 
together with collations of the Vatican and Venetian texts, and 
a further list of proposed emendations in the Oxford text) iu' 
Modern Language Review (vol. vii, pp. 209-14). 12. Paget 
Toynbee (1912) : (diplomatic transcript of the Venetian text, 
together with collations of the Vatican and S. Pantaleo texts) 
in Modern Language Review (vol. vii, pp. 434-40). 13. Paget 
Toynbee (1915) : (critical text, together with collations of the 
Vatican, S. Pantaleo, and Venetian texts, and of the various 
readings of the several printed editions of the letter, and list of 
passages in which this text differs from that of the Oxford 
Dante) in Modern Language Review (vol. x, pp. 65-72). 14. 
E. Pistelli (1915) : (revised text, with notes) in Piccola Antologia 
della Bibbia Volgata . . . con alcune Epistole di Dante . . . (Firenze, 
1915 ; pp. 210-19). 15. [Della Torre] (1917) : Epist. xi (op. cit., 
pp. 263-70). 

Translattons. 1 — Italian. 1. Anon. (Cent.xiv): printed by 
Pa,get Toynbee (1914) from Cod. S. Pantaleo 8, 2 in Modern 
Language Review (vol. ix, pp. 335-43). 2. Anon. (Cent. xiv 3 ) : 
printed by Doni (1547), in Prose antiche di Dante, Petrarcha, et 
Boccaccio (Fiorenza, 1547; pp. 9-12); and again (1551-2), in 
La Zucca del Doni (Vinegia, 1551-2 ; 'I Frutti ', pp. 69-73) ; 
by Biscioni (1723;, in Prose di Dante Alighieri e di Messer Gio. 

1 For titles of editions referred to here as already quoted, see 
above, pp. 2, 43-4. 

2 On the relations between tliis translation and the S. Pantaleo 
Latin text, see Appendix E. 

3 This translation, which was formerly attributed to Marsilio 
Ficino, has been preserved in at least ten MSS., two probably of 
the fourteenth century, the rest of the fifteenth (see P. Wagner, 
Die Echtheit der drei Kaiserbriefe Dantes, pp. 10-11). Parodi holds 
{Bull. Soc. Dant. Ital., N.S. xxii. 138) that this translation is a later 
rifacimento of that contained in the S. Pantaleo MS. ; but see Mod. 
Lang. Rev. ix. 332 ff. ; also Wagner, op. cit, p. 11, n. 43. 


Boccacci (Firenze, 1723; pp. 211-15); by Moutier (1823), from 
Cod. Riccardiano 1050 and 2545, in Cronica di Giovanni Villani 
(Firenze, 1823 ; vol. viii, pp. lxv-lxxi) ; by Witte (1827), in 
Dantis Alligherii Epistolae quae exstant (Patavii, 1827; pp. 31- 
47). 1 3. Balbo (1839) : (extracts) op. cit., pp. 333-5. 4. Frati- 
celli (1840): op. cit., pp. 231-49. 5. Torri (1842): op. cit., 
pp. 53-61. 6. Fraticelli (1857) : (revised trans.) op. cit. f 
pp. 489-99. 7. Passerini (1910): c^.c*7.,pp. 63-79. 8. Scherillo 
(1918) : (extracts) op. cit., vol. i, pp. 169-71. — German. 1. Kanne- 
giesser (1845): op. cit., pp. 187-93. 2. Scartazzini (1879): 
(extracts) in Dante Alighieri, seine Zeit, sein Leben und seine 
Werke (pp. 395-7). 3. Wegele (1897): (extracts) in Dante 
AlighierVs Leben und Werke (pp. 238-40). 4. Kraus (1897) : 
(extracts) in Dante y sein Leben und sein Werk (pp. 302-4). 
—English. 1. Bunbury (1852) : (extracts) in Life and Times of 
Dante Alighieri (vol. ii, pp. 141-5). 2. G. W. Greene (1867) : 
in Longfe]low's translation of the Divina Commedia (ed. 1867, 
vol. ii, p. 455). 3. Latham (1891) : op. cit., pp. 150-9. 4. Wick- 
steed(1898): in A Provisional Translation of Dante's Political 
Letters (pp. 16-21). 5. Wicksteed (1904) : (revised trans.) in 
Translation ofthe Latin Works of Dante Alighieri (pp. 323-30). 
6. Paget Toynbee : (see beloiv, pp. 100-5). 

Authenticity. — As in the case of the two previous letters, 
there can be no question as to the authenticity of this letter, 2 
which is one of the three specially mentioned by Villani in the 
biographical notice of Dante in his Cronica : ' Quando fu in esilio 
. . . in tra 1' altre fece tre nobili pistole ; 1' una mando al reggi- 
mentodi Firenze dogliendosi del suo esilio sanza colpa 8 ; 1'altra 
mando allo 'mperadore Arrigo quand' era all' assedio di Brescia, 4 

1 For a list of the editions of the Bivina Commedia in which this 
translation is reprinted, see Koch, Catalogue of the Cornell Dante Collec- 
tion, vol. i, p. 75. 

2 See above, p. 44. 

3 This letter has not been preserved. 

4 This is a mistake ; Henry did not lay siege to Brescia until 
May 19, more than a month after the date of the letter, which was 


riprendendolo della sua stanza, quasi profetizzando * ; la terza 
a' cardinali italiani, 2 quand' era la vacazione dopo la morte di 
papa Clemente, acciocche s'accordassono a eleggere papa 
italiano ; tutte in latino con alto dittato, e con eccellenti 
sentenzie e autoritadi, le quali furono molto commendate da' savi 
intenditori ' (ix. 136). 3 

Date. — This, like the previous letter, is one of three among 
the letters attributed to Dante which is specificaliy dated, the 
colophon giving the date as April 17, 131 l. 4 

Summary. — § 1. The legacy of peace was left to mankindby 
Christ, but the envy of the devil has brought strife upon the 
world. In Italy those who have long mourned in exile look to 
the advent of the Emperor to restore peace. § 2. But their 
eager hopes are dashed by doubts as to whether he is actually 
coming — nevertheless their belief in him as their appointed 
saviour is unshaken. § 3. Let the Emperor not consider 
Tuscany outside his sphere of action ; let him remember that 
the Imperial power is not circumscribed save by the waters of 
Ocean ; and let him think on the divine origin of the Roman 
Empire. § 4. Let him put an end, then, to delay, which ohly 
encourages his enemies, and let him call to mind the exhorta- 
tions of Curio to Caesar, and of Mercury to Aeneas. § 5. Let 
him not forget the interests of his son, that second Ascanius ; 
and let him beware lest he incur the reproach of Samuel against 
Saul. § 6. Like Hercules in his combat with the hydra, he is 
making the mistake of attacking the separate heads, by attempt- 
ingto chastise Milan, Cremona, and the rest, instead of striking 
at once at the seat of life. A tree is not destroyed by lopping 
off branches ; it is the root which must be extirpated. § 7. The 
real seat of mischief is not on Po, nor on Tiber, but on Arno ; 
it is Florence, who in resisting Rome is striving to rend her own 
mother ; Florence it is that is the centre of corruption. But 
written two days before the Emperor left Milan in order to reduce 
Cremona (see Chronological Table). 

1 The present letter. 2 Epist. viii. 

3 In the early editions of this chapter is numbered 135. 

4 See above, p. 65. 


let her take heed lest the fate of Amata overtake her. § 8. Let 
the Emperor, then, arise in his strength, like a second David, 
and smite, and so bring confusion upon the Philistines, 
whereby peace and joy shall be restored, and the miseries of 
exile shall become but a memory. 

Gloriosissimo atque^felicissimo^Triumphatori^et Domino 
singulari, 2 Domino Henrico, divina providentia Roma- 
norum Regi c3 et d semper Augustof devotissimi sui 
Dantes Alagheriif Florentinus et exul immeritus? ac 
universaliter omnes Tusci qui pacem desiderant,te?rae f 
oscidum ante pedesfi 6 

P. 1 - Cod. S. Pantaleo 8 (Lat. text) P. 2 = Cod. S. Pantaleo 8 (Ital. 

trans.) V. = Cod. Vat.-Palat Lat. 1729 M. = Cod. Marciano Lat. 

xiv. 115 O. = Oxford Bante (O. 1 = ed. 1894 ; O. 2 = ed. 1897 ; 

O. 3 = ed. 1904) 

a M.O. omit Gloriosissimo atque; V. omits the whole title b M.O. 
Sanctissimo c M. rege d M.O. oniit et e M. Aldigherrj ; 0. 

Aligherius f O . pacem desiderant terrae, B 0. osculantur pedes 

1 Cf. ' sub triumphis et gloria Henrici ', in the first Battifollo 
letter (Epist. vii*) adfin. 

2 Cf. ' princeps singularis ', of the Emperor, in the second Batti- 
folle letter (Epist. vii**) ; and 'praeses unicus mundi' in this same 
letter (1. 125). 

3 Henry was not yet technically ' Iraperator ', not having been 
crowned at Rome — a ceremony which did not take place until 
June 29, 1312. 

4 'Semper Augustus' was part of the Emperor's formal title 
(cf. Bryce, Holy Roman Empire, ed. 1904, p. 531 : ' From the eleventh 
century till the sixteenth, the invariable practice was for the 
monarch to be called Romanorum rex semper Augustus till his 
coronation at Rome by the Pope ; after it, Romanorum Imperator 
semper Augustus'); cf. ' semper Augusta', of the Empress, in the 
titles of the three Battifolle letters. 

6 See note on Epist. ii. 24. 

6 In the textus receptus, which runs ' ac universaliter omnes Tusci 


§ 1. Immensa Dei dilectione testante, relicta nobis est a 

pacis hereditas, 1 ut in sua mira dulcedine militiae 2 no- 

5 strae dura mitescerent, et in usu eius patriae triumphan- 

tis b3 gaudia mereremur. At livor antiqui et implacabilis 

hostis, 4 humanaeprosperitati semper etlatenter c insidians, 5 

a V. est nobis b M. triumphis c V. latanter ; M. conlatenter 
qui pacem desiderant terrae, osculantur pedes ', and in the transla- 
tions based upon it, terrae is construed with pacem desiderant : ' all 
the Tuscans everywhere who desire peace upon earfch, offer a kiss 
at his feet '. The correct punctuation, however, is that adopted in 
the text, the formula being ' terrae osculum ante pedes ' ; as 
appears from the titles of two letters, addressed respectively by 
the cities of Lucca and of Siena to King Robert of Naples, printed 
by Donniges in Acta Henrici VII. Imperatoris Romanorum (Pars ii, 
pp. 233-4). The title of the first, which is dated Oct. 13, 1312, 
runs : ' Serenissimo principi dno. Roberto, dei gratia etc. . . . 
populus et commune Civitatis Lucane, terre obsculum ante pedes . 
That of the second, which is undated, runs : 'Serenissimo principi 
dno. Roberto, dei gratia etc. . . . Capitanei partis Guelforum 
Civitatis Senarum, terre obsculum ante pedes'. This punctuation 
is confirmed by the S. Pantaleo Latin text, in which a stroke 
(representing a comma) is inserted after desiderant ; as well as by 
the two Cent. xiv Italian translations, one of which renders : 
'Tutti i Toscani universalmente, che pace desiderano, mandano 
baci alla terra dinanzi a vostri piedi' ; and the other (S. Pantaleo) : 
' Vniuersalmente tucti I toscanj che pace desiderano / ala terra 
denanci ai pedi / basci mandano '. (See my note on A Mispunctuatioa 
in the iitle of Dante's Letier to the Emperor Henry VII, in Bulletin Italien, 
xviii. 111-13.) 

1 John xiv. 27 ; cf. Conv. ii. 15, 11. 171-2 ; in view of these 
references, iestor here may perhaps be taken, not in the more usual 
sense of bearing witness, but in that of making a bequest — 'by 
the bequest of the boundless love'. 

2 The life of this world ; cf. Job vii. 1 : ' militia est vita hominis 
super terram ' (a passage to which a different sense is given 
in A.V.). 

8 As members of the Church triumphant, as opposed to the 

Church militant ; cf. Par. xxx. 98 : '1' alto trionfo del regno verace \ 

4 The devil ; cf. 1 Pet. v. 8 : ' adversarius vester diabolus ', whence 


nonnullos exheredando volentes ob tutoris T absentiam 

10 nos a alios impie b denudavit c invitos. Hinc diu super d 

flumina confusionis 2 deflevimus, et patrocinia iusti 

regis 3 incessanter 6 implorabamus f , qui^ satellitium 

saevi tyranni 4 disperderet, et nos in nostra iustitia 10 

15 reformaret. Quumque tu, Caesaris et Augusti successor, 

Apennini iuga transiliens, veneranda signa Tarpeia h 5 

retulisti, protinus longa substiterunt suspiria, lacryma- 

rumque diluvia ! desierunt ; et, ceu Titan praeoptatus j 

20 exoriens, 6 nova spes Latio saeculi melioris effulsit. Tunc 15 

a V. non b V. impios ; 0. impius ; P. 2 crudelmente c P. 1 clenudare 
d M. semper e V. incensanter f M. imploravimus g M. et qui 
h M. turpia l M. diluuie j M. precipitatus ; O. peroptatus ; P. 2 

innanci desiato 

the use of the term ' adversary ' in English (as in Par. Lost, ii. 629), 
and 'aversier' in Old French, for the devil (cf. Purg. viii. 95) ; also 
Mon. ii. 10, 11. 77-8 : ' ille antiquus hostis, qui litigii fuerat persuasor '. 
For the envy of the devil, cf. Wisdom ii. 24 : ' Invidia diaboli mors 
introivit in orbem terrarum'. 

1 The Emperor ; cf. 'tutori ', of the Kings of Rome, Conv. iv. 5, 1. 92. 

2 Dante, adopting the interpretation of ' Babylon ' as \ confusion ' 
(like that of 'Babel'; cf. V. E. i. 6, 1. 52; 7, 1. 30), thus renders 
' super flumina Babylonis ' of Psalm cxxxvi. 1 ; cf. 1. 189, below. 

3 Cf- Prov. xxix. 4 : ' Rex iustus erigit terram '. 

4 Cf. 1. 77 : ' Tuscana tyrannis ', meaning especially the rebellious 
Guelfs of Florence. Dino Compagni refers to the Guelfs in similar 
language ; speaking of the advent of the Emperor into Italy he 
says : ' Iddio onnipotente, il quale e guardia e guida de' principi, 
volle la sua venuta fusse per abattere e gastigare i tiranni che erano 
per Lombardia e per Toscana, fino a tanto che ogni tirannia fusse 
spenta' (iii. 24). 

6 Roman (cf. Purg. ix. 137 ; Mon. ii. 4, 1. 53), hence Imperial, 
standard, the eagle ; cf. Epist. vi. 81 ; and Par. xix. 101-2 : ' il segno 
Che fe' i Romani al mondo reverendi \ 

6 The advent of the Emperor is likened to the rising of the sun, 
as in Epist. v. 10 : 'Titan exorietur pacificus'. 


plerique vota sua praevenientes in iubilo, tam Saturnia 
regna quam Virginem redeuntem 1 cum Marone 2 can- 

25 § 2. Verum quia sol noster (sive desiderii fervor hoc 
submoneat, a sive facies veritatis) aut morari iam creditur, 20 
aut retrocedere supputatur, quasi Iosue 3 denuo, vel Amos 

30 filius 4 imperaret, incertitudine b dubitare compellimur, 
et in vocem Praecursoris 5 irrumpere, sic ' Tu es qui ven- 
turus es, an alium expectamus ? ' 6 Et quamvis longa 
sitis in dubium quae sunt certa propter esse propinqua, 25 

35 ut adsolet, furibunda deflectat ; nihilominus in te credi- 
mus et speramus, asseverantes te Dei c ministrum, et 
Ecclesiae filium, et Romanae gloriae promotorem. Nam 
et ego, qui scribo tam pro me quam pro aliis, velut d 

40 decet imperatoriam maiestatem, benignissimum vidi et 30 
clementissimum te audivi, quum pedes tuos manus meae 
tractarunt, et labia mea debitum persolverunt. 7 Tunc e 

45 exultavit in me f spiritus meus, 8 quum « tacitus dixi 

a M. submoueat ; P. 2 ammonisca b V. in certitudine ; P. 2 ne la certecca 
c V. omits Dei d M. uel e P. J M. cum ; P. 2 quando f 0. te 

s O. et ; P. 2 quando 

1 Virgil, Ecl. iv. 6 ; cf. Mon. i. 11, 11. 3-10 ; Purg. xxii. 70-2. 

2 This, the only instance of the use of the name Maro for Virgil 
by Dante, may doubtless be accounted for by the requirements of the 
cursus — '(cum Mar)6ne cantabant' (jplanus). 

3 Josh. x. 12-13. 

* That is, Isaiah (2 Kings xx. 1) ; the reference is to 2 Kings xx. 11. 
6 John the Baptist ; cf. V. N. § 24, 11. 36-7 : < quel Giovanni, 
lo quale precedette la verace luce \ 

6 Matt. xi. 3 ; Luke vii. 19. 

7 Dante probably paid homage to the Emperor on the occasion of 
his coronation with the iron crown at Milan on Jan. 6, 1311. 

8 Luke i. 47. 


mecum : ' Ecce Agnus Dei, ecce qui tollit a peccata 
mundi ! ' * 35 

§ 3. Sed quid tam sera moretur segnities 2 admiramur ; 
quando b iamdudum in valle victor Eridani, 3 non secus 

50 Tusciam derelinquis, praetermittis et negligis, quam si 
iura c tutanda d imperii circumscribi Ligurum e finibus 
arbitreris ; non prorsus (ut suspicamur) advertens f , 40 
quoniam Romanorum gloriosa^ potestas nec metis 

55 Italiae, nec tricornis h Europae 4 margine coarctatur. 
Nam etsi vim passa 5 in l angustum j gubernacula sua 
contraxerit k , undique ! tamen de inviolabili iure fluctus 

a P. 1 tollis ; 0. abstulit ; P. 2 tolle b 0. quoniam c P. 1 vita 

d M. tuendi e P. 1 ligineranj ; P. 2 Lombarclia f P. aduerteris 

g O. omits gloriosa h M. iricornis l V. non •* P.^V.M. Augustum ; 
P.' 2 strectecca k M. contraxit x 0. contraxerit undique, 

1 John i. 29 ; cf. Par. xvii. 33. 

2 Aen. ii. 373-4. 

3 The Emperor had reached Turin on Oct. 30, 1310 ; after holding 
court at Asti from Nov. 10 to Dec. 12, he advanced to Milan — 
'venne giii, discendendo di terra in terra, mettendo pace come 
fusse uno agnolo di Dio, ricevendo la fedelta fino presso a Milano ', 
says Dino Compagni (iii. 24) ; he entered the city on Dec. 23, 
where, says Dino, ' la sua vita non era ne in sonare, ne in uccellare, 
ne in sollazzi, ma in continui consigli, e a pacificare i discordanti 
e assettare i vicari per le terre ' (iii. 26). 

4 The old geographers represented Europe as a rough triangle, 
of which the apex was formed by the bend of the Tanais (Don), 
and the other two angles by the Columns of Hercules and the 
British Isles. Dante's immediate authority was probably Albertus 
Magnus, who in his De Natura Locorum (iii. 7) says : ' Europa . . . 
habet figuram trigoni circumfusam mari oceano, quantum ad 
nostram habitabilem. Trigonus autem ex arcubus et non lineis 
rectis componitur, licet acies angulorum non cadant omnino in 
acumen ' (see my article Some Unacknowledged Obligations of Dante to 
Albertus Magmis, in Eomania, xxiv. 411-12 ; and Moore, Studies in 
Dante, iii. 125-6). 

5 A reminiscence of Matt. xi. 12 : ' regnum coelorum vim patitur '. 


Amphitritis x attingens % vix ab inutili 2 unda Oceani se 45 
00 circumcingi 3 dignatur. Scriptum etenim nobis est b : 

' Nascetur pulcra Troianus origine Caesar, 
Imperium c Oceano, famam qui terminet astris.' 4 

65 Et quum universaliter orbem describi edixisset Augustus 
(ut bos noster evangelizans, 5 accensus ignis aeterni d 50 
flamma, remugit e ), 6 si non de iustissimi principatus 7 
aula prodiisset f edictum, Unigenitus Dei Filius, 8 homo 

TO factus 8 ad profitendum h 9 secundum naturam assumptam 
edicto l se subditum, nequaquam j tunc nasci de Virgine 

a V. attigens b V. etenim uobis est ; M. est enim nobis c P. 1 

Imperij d M. omits aeterni e P. 1 remigit f P. 1 prodisset 

g M. factus qui h M. proflcendum l M. edicit j 0. nunguam ; 

1 In the Quaestio (§ 15, 1. 6). Dante uses this term to distinguish 
the circumambient ocean from inland seas ('maria mediterranea'), 
doubtless in accordance with the mediaeval etymology, as given 
by Evrard de Bethune in the Graecismus : ' quia terram circuit 
omnem ' ; and by Giovanni da Genova in the Catholicon : ' ab amphi 
quod est circum, et tero, teris, dicitur hic amphitrites, -tis, idest mare, 
a circumterendo litus sic dictus'. 

2 ' Ineffectual ' ; the implication apparently being, as Pistelli 
notes, that the ocean would be powerless to check the expansion 
of the limits of the Empire. 

3 Cf. Mon. i. 11, 11. 83-4 : ' Monarchae iurisdictio terminatur 
Oceano solum ' ; and Epist. viii. 182-4 : ' palaestra . . . undique ab 
Oceani margine circumspecta \ 

4 Aen. i. 286-7. 

5 St. Luke, who is symbolized by an ox according to the accepted 
interpretation of Ezek. i. 10 ; Rev. iv. 7. 

6 Luke ii. 1. 

7 Cf. Purg. x. 74 : ' il Roman principato ' ; Epist. vii* : ' Romanus 
Principatus ' ; Epist. x tit. : l Caesareus Principatus ' ; and see 
Moore, Studies in Bante, iv. 274. 

8 John iii. 16, 18. 

9 Luke ii. 3, 5. 


voluisset. 1 Non enim suasisset iniustum, a 2 quem omnem 55 

iustitiam implere decebat. b 3 
75 § 4. Pudeat itaque in angustissima c mundi area irre- 

tiri d tam diu, e quem mundus omnis expectat ; et ab 

Augusti f circumspectione non defluat, 4 quod Tuscana 

tyrannis 5 in dilationis fiducia confortatur, et g quotidie 60 
80 malignantium 6 cohortando h superbiam, vires novas 

accumulat, temeritatem temeritati adiciens. Intonet 

iterum * vox J " illa Curionis 7 in Caesarem : 

6 Dum trepidant nullo firmatae k robore partes, 
Tolle moras ; semper nocuit * differre paratis 8 : 65 
85 Par labor atque metus m pretio maiore petuntur.' 9 

a P. 1 in iustum b M. qui omnem iustitiam implere debebat; P. 2 al 

quale si conuenea adempiere ogni giusiizia c M. angusta ; P. 2 strettissima 
d M. metiri e 0. tamdiu f M. Augusta B M. ut h P. 1 

coartando ; M. cohartando ; P. 2 confortando l M. igitur ; P. 2 uri altra 
uolta j M. uos k M. firmari ' M. nocuit semper m M. metas 

1 This argument, which is also used in the De Monarchia (ii. 12, 
11. 41-7), was borrowed by Dante from Orosius (vi. 22, §§6, 7). 
(See my Lante Studies and Researches. pp. 133-4.) 

2 Cf. Mon. ii. 12, 11. 41-71. 3 Matt. iii. 15. 

4 Cf. the similar phrase in Epist. iii (iv). 55-6 : • de memoria tua 
non defluat \ 5 See note on 1. 13. 

6 A word of frequent occurrence in the Vulgate version of the 
Psalms (e.g. xxi. 17 ; xxv. 5; xxxvi. 1 ; lxiii. 3 ; xci. 12 ; xciii. 16). 

7 Caius Scribonius Curio, tribune of the plebs, 50 b. c. ; according 
to Lucan (Phars. i. 269 ff.), whose account Dante follows here and 
in Inf. xxviii. 97-102 (where Curio figures in Bolgia 9 of Circle viii 
of Hell among the sowers of discord), it was he who urged Caesar 
to advance on Rome after crossing the Rubicon. 

8 Cf. Inf. xxviii. 98-9 : ' il fornito Sempre con danno Y attender 
sofferse '. 

9 Lucan, Phars. i. 280-2. The precise meaning of the last line 
is disputed ; but Dante probably understood it to signify, and 
intended to convey by including it in the quotation, that delay 
would only involve greater toil and risk. 


Intonet illa vox increpitantis Anubis a * iterum b in 
Aeneam : 

' Si te nulla movet tantarum gloria rerum, 
Nec super ipse tua moliris c laude laborem ; 70 

90 Ascanium surgentem et spes heredis Iuli 

Respice ; cui regnum d Italiae Romanaque tellus 6 
Debentur.' 2 

§ 5. Iohannes namque, regius primogenitus tuus et 
95 rex, 3 quem, post diei orientis occasum, mundi successiva 75 
posteritas f praestolatur g 4 , nobis est alter Ascanius, qui 

a P. 1 0. a nubibus ; V. a nubis ; M. Annubis ; P. 2 del cielo b M. 

omits iterum c V. molitis d V. regimen e V.M. regna ; P. v i 

regni f M. prosteritas g M. prestoletur 

1 Egyptian god identified by the Romans with Mercury, who is 
the personage quoted as addressing Aeneas in the text. This 
identification was currently known and accepted in the Middle 
Ages. Dante's authority was probably either Servius on Aen. 
viii. 698 : ' Latrator Anubis, quia capite canino pingitur ; hunc 
volunt esse Mercurium, ideo quia nihil est cane sagacius'; or 
Uguccione da Pisa, who in his Magnae Berivationes (a work well 
known to Dante) says : ' Anubis. Nubes componitur cum a, quod 
est sine ; et dicitur hic anubis, id est mercurius, quasi sine nube ; est 
enim deus sermonis quia omnia revelat '. There can be no doubt 
as to the correctness of the reading Anubis as against the a nubibus 
of P. 1 and 0. (See my article 'Anubis ' or 'a nubibus ' in Danie's letter 
to Henry VII, in Bulletin Italien, xii. 1-5.) 2 Aen. iv. 272-6. 

3 John of Luxemburg (born 1295), at this time in his sixteenth 
year, was King of Bohemia (1310) in right of his marriage with 
Elizabeth, daughter of Wenceslas IV (Vill. ix. 1). He had been 
crowned at Prague in the previous February. Having lost both 
his eyes he was subsequently known as the 'Blind King of 
Bohemia '. He was killed at the battle of Crecy in 1346. Accord- 
ing to the (unauthenticated) tradition, the badge of three ostrich 
feathers, with the motto Ich dien, borne by the Prince of Wales, 
originally belonged to King John, and was assumed by the Black 
Prince after the king's death at Crecy. 

4 He never succeeded to the Empire. 


vestigia a magni genitoris observans, in Turnos * ubique 

100 sicut leo desaeviet, et in Latinos b velut agnus c mitescet. 
Praecaveant sacratissimi regis alta consilia, ne coeleste 
iudicium Samuelis illa verba reasperet : ' Nonne quum 80 
parvulus esses d in oculis tuis, caput in tribubus e Israel 

105 factus es ? Unxitque te f Dominus g in regem super 
Israel h ; et misit te Dominus * in viam J ', et ait : Vade et 
interfice peccatores Amalech ? ' 2 Nam et tu in regem 
sacratus es, ut Amalech percutias k et l Agag non par- 85 

1 10 cas m ; atque ulciscaris illum qui misit te, de gente n 
brutali et de festina sua sollemnitate (quae quidem et 
Amalech et Agag sonare dicuntur). 3 

§ 6. Tu Mediolani tam vernando quam hiemando 

115moraris 4 et hydram pestiferam per capitum amputa- 90 
tionem reris ° extinguere ? Quod p si magnalia 5 gloriosi* 1 
Alcidae recensuisses, te ut illum falli cognosceres r , cui 

a P. 1 uestigiam b M. latino c M. agnos d V. esset e M. tribus 
f M. omits ie s M. deus b P.^M.P. 2 omit super Israel l V.M.O. 
Deus ; P. 2 omits j V.O. via k V. percuciens ' V. ut m M. 
parcas minime ; P. 2 non perdonare n M. de gente in gentem ° P. 1 
veris p V. quia q M. gloriose r M. cognosceris 

1 That is, the Rutulians, whose king Turnus fought against 
Aeneas, and who ihus typify the opponents of the Empire, while 
the followers of Latinus, the father-in-law of Aeneas, typify its 
supporters. 2 1 Sam. xv. 17-18. 

3 Dante doubtless derived these interpretations from the Ex- 
planatio Nominum which accompanies many MSS. of the Vulgate, 
in which * Amalech ' is explained as • gens brutalis ', and ' Agag ' 
as ' festina solempnitas '. 

4 The Emperor had been in Milan since the previous Dec. 23 ; 
he left two days after the date of this letter (see Chronological 

5 Cf. V. E. ii. 2, 1. 73 ; Epist. x. 13 ; the word occurs frequently in 
the Vulgate (e. g. 2 Sam. vii. 21, 23 ; 2 Kings viii. 4 ; Psalm Ixx. 19; 
cv. 21). 


pestilens animal, capite repullulante a multiplici, per b 

120 damnum crescebat, 1 donec instanter magnanimus c vitae 

principium impetivit/ 1 2 Non etenim e ad arbores extir- 95 

pandas valet ipsa ratnorum f incisio, quin iterum multi- 

plicius virulente« ramificent h , quousque radices incolumes 

125 fuerint, ut praebeant alimentum. Quid 1 , praeses j unice 

mundi, 3 peregisse praeconicis k ,quum cervicem Cremonae 4 

deflexeris contumacis ? Nonne tunc * vel m Brixiae 5 vel 100 

Papiae 6 rabies inopina turgescet ? 7 Immo ! Quae 

130 quum etiam flagellata 11 resederit, 7 mox alia Vercellis, 8 

vel Pergami, 9 vel alibi returgebit, donec huiusmodi ° 

a M. repupulare b 0. in; P. 2 per c M. magnanimis d O. 

impedivit; F. u taglib e M. enim f M. Romanorum g V.O. virulenier; 
M. uia terre ; P.* uergeando n M. ramescent l M. qui j M. prees 
k P. 1 preconijcis ; V. preconiis ; 0. praeconizabis ; P. 2 anuntlarae x M. 
nonne ut tuo m M. vel iu n M. flagellum ° V.O. huius 

1 Ovid, Metam. ix. 70-4. For every head of the hydra cut off, 
two new ones sprang up. 

2 By applying fire to the root of the neck whence the heads 

3 See note on the title of this letter (p. 87, n. 2). 

4 Cremona, incited by Florence, had rebelled against the Emperor 
in the previous February. Henry marched against the rebellious 
city, entered it, and imprisoned the rebels in the following May. 

5 Brescia followed the example of Cremona in March ; after 
a long siege (May 19 to Sept. 19) it surrendered to the Emperor, 
who entered the city and razed the fortifications. 

6 The Emperor left Brescia on Oct. 2, and proceeded to Pavia, 
which he pacified on his way to Genoa (Dino Compagni, iii. 30), 
where he arrived on Oct. 21. 

7 Giuliani suggests that this metaphor is borrowed from Virgil, 
Georg. ii. 479-80 ; he compares Inf. xxi. 21. 

8 Vercelli, about 40 miles SW. of Milan, at the W. extremity of 
the old Lombardy, which Dante describes as ' lo dolce piano Che 
da Vercelli a Marcabo dichina ' (Inf. xxviii. 74-5). 

9 Bergamo, about 30 miles NE. of Milan. 


scatescentiae causa radicalis a tollatur, et b radice c tanti 
erroris avulsa d , cum trunco rami pungitivi e arescant. 105 

135 § 7. An ignoras, eXcellentissime f principum g , nec de 
specula h summae celsitudinis x deprehendis, ubi vulpecula 
foetoris istius, venantium secura, recumbat ! ? Quippe 

140 nec Pado praecipiti, 2 necTiberi tuo criminosa potatur j , 
verum Sarni 3 fluenta torrentis adhuc rictus k eius inficiunt, 110 
et Florentia l (forte nescis ?) dira haec pernicies nuncu- 
patur. Haec est vipera versa in viscera genitricis ; haec m 

145 languida pecus, quae n gregem domini sui sua contagione 
commaculat ° ; haec Myrrha scelestis p et impia, in Ciny- 
rae patris q amplexus exaestuans 4 ; haec Amata illa 115 
impatiens, quae, repulso fatali cpnnubio, quem fata r 

150 negabant generum sibi adscire non timuit, sed in bella 
furialiter provocavit, s et demum, male ausa 5 luendo, 

* M. rabies; P. 2 radicevole b M. omits et c P. 1 radix d P. 1 
evulsa e M.pugitiui f M. exceUeniiue 8 M. principium 

n M. speculo ' V.O. decumbat ; P." serraguacta j M. potant 

k P. 1 ritus ; P. 2 custumi x M. Florentiam m V.O. haec est n V.O. 
omit quae ° V.O. commaculans p 0. scelesta q P. 1 in amore 

patris ; V. in Cinare patris ; M. in Cinere posita ; P. 2 nello amore del padre 
r M. semper s P. X M. furialiter in bella vocavit 

1 Dante is here probably playing upon the use of the term 
' Cclsitudo ' as a title of respect ; cf. ' regia Celsitudo ' applied to 
the Empress in the second and third Battifolle letters (Epist. vii**, 
vii***) ; and see the other instances quoted on p. 114, n. 2. 

2 Cf. Virgil, Georg. iv. 372-3. 

3 See note on Epist. iv (iii). 13. 

4 Myrrha, daughter of Cinyras, King of Cyprus, being seized 
with a fatal passion for her father, contrived to introduce herself 
into his chamber in disguise during the absence of her mother 
(hence Dante places her among the Falsifiers in Bolgia 10 of 
Circle viii of Hell, Inf. xxx. 25-41). Dante got her story from 
Ovid, Metam. x. 293 fl\, whose expression 'patriisque in vultibus 
haerens Aestuat ' (vv. 359-60) he here echoes. 

5 Cf. Epist. vi. 56. 


laqueo se suspendit. 1 Vere matrem viperea feritate 

155 dilaniare contendit, a dum contra Romam cornua rebel- 120 

lionis exacuit, 2 quae ad imaginem suam atque similitu- 

dinem fecit illam. 3 Vere fumos b , evaporante c sanie, 

a M. omits luendo — contendit b M. fumo c M. euaporantes 

1 Amata, wife of Latinus, King of Latium, and mother of 
Lavinia, hanged herself rather than live to see her daughter 
wedded to Aeneas instead of to Turnus, King of the Rutulians, the 
son-in-law she desired ('quem fata negabant generum'), to whom 
Lavinia had been promised by Latinus (Aen. xii. 593-607). Turnus, 
who to enforce his claim made war upon Aeneas, is probably 
meant here, as the opponent of Aeneas, the representative of the 
Empire, to typify King Robert of Naples, the head of the Guelfs 
who were opposing the Emperor. The phrase ' laqueo se suspendit ' 
is, as Pistelli points out, a reminiscence of the Vulgate account of 
the suicide of Judas (Matt. xxvii. 5). Amata figures among the 
examples of wrath in Circle iii of Purgatory (Purg. xvii. 34-9). 

2 There can hardly be a doubt that in using this phrase Dante 
had in mind the reply of the Florentines to the Emperor's ambas- 
sador in the previous year, which is recorded by Dino Compagni : 
1 M. Luigi di Savoia, mandato imbasciadore in Toscana dallo 
Imperadore, venne a Firenze ; e fu poco onorato da' nobili cittadini, 
e feciono il contrario di quello doveano. Domando, che imbasciadore 
si mandassi a onorarlo e ubidirli come a loro signore : fu loro risposto 
per parte della Signoria da m. Betto Brunelleschi, che mai per niuno 
signore i Fiorentini inchinarono le corna'' (iii. 35). That Dante was 
acquainted with the terms of this insolent reply we know from 
Flavio Biondo, who in his Historiarum ab inclinato Romano Imperio 
Decades mentions that he had seen the copy of a letter written by 
Dante from Forli at the time to Can Grande della Scala, in which 
he gave an account of the incident (see Introduction) . 

3 Gen. i. 26. Florence, according to tradition, was founded by 
the Romans (Villani, i. 38) ; and after its (legendary) destruction 
by Totila was rebuilt by the Romans on the model of Rome (Vill. 
iii. 2 : ' La citta nuova di Firenze si comincio a redificare per gli 
Romani . . . di piccolo sito e giro, figurandola al modo di Roma, 
secondo la piccola impresa'). Cf. Conv. i. 3, 11. 21-2 : ' la bellissima 
e famosissima figlia di Roma, Fiorenza ' ; and Inf. xv. 76-8. 


vitiantes exhalat, et inde vicinae a pecudes et insciae b 

160 contabescunt, dum, falsis illiciendo c blanditiis et figmen- 
tis d , aggregat sibi finitimos, et infatuat e aggregatos. 125 
Vere in paternos ardet f ipsa concubitus, dum improba 
procacitate 8 conatur summi pontificis, hl qui pater est 

165 patrum, adversum 1 te violare assensum j . Vere Dei 
ordinationi resistit, k 2 propriae voluntatis l idolum vene- 
rando m , dum, regem n aspernata legitimum, non erubescit 130 
insana ° regi non suo 3 iura non sua pro male agendi p 

170 potestate pacisci. Sed attendat q ad laqueum 4 mulier 
furiata quo se innectit r . Nam saepe quis in reprobum 
sensum traditur, ut traditus faciat ea quae non s con- 

175 veniunt. 5 Quae quamvis iniusta * sint opera, iusta tamen 135 
supplicia esse noscuntur. 6 

§ 8. Eia itaque, rumpe moras, 7 proles altera u Isai, 8 

a M. uicinie b M. uiscie ; P. 2 non sapeuoli c M. aliciendo; 0. 
alliciendo d V '. figimentis e F. 1 infatuant; M.insinuat; F. 2 fa 

impacire f M. omits ardet g P. 1 pro capaciiate ; P. 8 con maluagio 
uageiamento h M. summum pontificem ' 0. adversus J M. ascensum 
k M. restitit l M. uoluntati m M. uerenando n P. 1 regem suum 
° O. erubescit ; insana p V.O. agenda; M. agende q M. accendit; 
0. attendit ; P. 2 adrende r O. innectat ; P. 2 si lega s M. etiam 

* V. iusta ; P. 2 non iuste u M.O.^0. 3 alta ; P. 2 secondo 

1 Clement V, to whom Henry owed his election as Emperor, and 
by whom he was as yet supported. 

2 Rom. xiii. 2 ; cf. Epist. v. 64-5. 

3 King Robert of Naples, who was acting with Florence and the 
Guelfic league in opposition to the Emperor. 

4 Cf. Epist. viii. 60-1 : ' attendatis ad funiculum, attendatis ad 
ignem '. 

5 Rom. i. 28. 

6 The suicide of Amata was an act without justification, save as 
a just judgement upon her. 

7 Aen. iv. 569. 

8 Cf. 1. 96: 'alter Ascanius 1 ; Epist. v. 19: 'alius Moyses' ; 
Epist. vi. 50 : • alteri Babylonii \ 



sume tibi fiduciam de oculis Domini Dei Sabaoth, 1 coram 
quo agis ; et Goliam 2 hunc in funda sapientiae tuae a 

180 atque b in lapide c virium tuarum prosterne 3 ; quoniam 140 
in eius occasu nox d et umbra timoris castra Philistinorum 
operiet ; fugient Philistaei et liberabitur Israel. Tunc 

185 hereditas nostra, 4 quam sine intermissione deflemus abla- 
tam, 5 nobis erit in integrum restituta. At e quemad- 
modum f sacrosanctae Ierusalem memores, exules in 145 
Babylone, gemiscimus 6 ; ita tunc cives, et respirantes in 

190 pace, confusionis 7 miserias g in gaudio recolemus h . 

Scriptum in Tuscia sub fonte * Sarni 8 xv j Kalendas k 
Maias, divi Henrici faustissimi l cursus ad Italiam anno 
primo. 9 150 


To the most glorious and most fortunate Conqueror, and sole 
Lord, the Lord Henry, by Divine Providence King of the 
Bomans, and ever Augustus, his most devoted servants, 
Dante Alighieri, a Florentine undeservedly in exile, and all 
the Tuscans everyivhere who desire peace, offer a kiss on the 
ground oefore hisfeet. 

§ 1. As the boundless love of God bears witness, the 

a M. sue b P. 1 at c P. 1 lapidem d P. 1 vox ; M. nos e O. Ac ; 
P. 2 Et f M. quidem ad modum g M. miserius h M. reuelemur ; 
P. 2 releueremo ' O.fontem ; V. omits the colophon j P. 1 xv a ; 

M. xv° ; 0. xiv ; P. 2 a die xvi daprile k O. Kal. ' P. 1 diuj 

faustissimj Herricj 

1 Jerem. xi. 20 ; Rom. ix. 29 (cf. Isaiah i. 9, where the Vulgate 
renders ' Dominus exercituum'). 

2 Typifying Florence, as the head of the Guelfic league ; or, as 
some think, King Robert of Naples, the ' rex non suus ' of 1. 168, 
their ally and chief. 

s 1 Sam. xvii. 49-50. 4 The heritage of peace (cf. 1. 2). 

5 Cf. Lament. v. 2. 6 Psalm cxxxvi. 1 ff. 

7 Cf. 1. 10, and note. 8 See note on Epist. iv (iii). 13. 

9 Cf. the colophons of Epist. vi (where see note) and Epist. vii***. 


heritage of peace was left to us, that in its wondrous 
sweetness the hardships of our warfare might be softened, 
and that by its practice we might earn the joys of the 
triumphant Fatherland. But the envy of the ancient and 
implacable enemy, who ever secretly plots against the 
prosperity of mankind, having dispossessed some of their 
own free will, has, owing to the absence of our guardian, 
impiously stripped us others against our will. Wherefore 
we have long wept by the waters of Oonfusion, and un- 
ceasingly prayed for the protection of the just king, who 
should destroy the satellites of the cruel tyrant, and 
should stablish us again under our own justice. But when 
thou, the successor of Caesar and of Augustus, o'erleaping 
the ridge of the Apennines, didst bring back the venera- 
ted Tarpeian standards, forthwith our deep sighing was 
stayed, and the flood of our tears was dried up ; and like the 
rising of the long-awaited Sun, a new hope of a better age 
shone abroad upon Italy. Then many, going before their 
wishes in their joy, sang with Maro of the reign of Saturn, 
and of the return of the Virgin. 

§ 2. But because our Sun (whether it be the fervour of 
our longing, or the appearance of truth w^iich suggests it) is 
believed to be tarrying, or is suspected to be turning back, 
as though at the bidding once again of Joshua or of the son 
of Amoz, we are constrained in our uncertainty to doubt, 
and to break forth in the words of the Forerunner : ' Art 
thou he that should come ? or look we for another ?S( And 
though prolonged desire, as is its wont, turns into doubt in 
its frenzy things which owing to their being close at hand 
seem tobe certain, nevertheless we believe and hope in thee, 
declaring thee to be the minister of God, the son of the 
Church, and the furtherer of the glory of Eome.X For I too, 
who write as well for myself as for others, beheld thee most 
gracious,and heard thee most clement, as beseems Imperial 
Majesty, when my hands touched thy feet, and my lips 
paid their tribute. Then my spirit rejoiced within me, 
when I said secretly within myself : ' Behold the Lamb of 
God, which taketh away the sins of the* world '. 

§ 3. But we marvel what sluggishness holds thee so 


long, in that, long since victor in the valley of Po, thou 
dost abandon, pass by, and neglect Tuscany, not otherwise 
than as if thou didst suppose the imperial rights entrusted 
to thy guardianship to be limited by the boundaries of 
Liguria ; forgetting in sooth, as we apprehend, that the 
glorious dominion of the Komans is confined neither by 
the frontiers of Italy, nor by the coast-line of three- 
cornered Europe. For although it has been constrained 
by violence to narrow the bounds of its government, yet 
by indefeasible right it everywhere stretches as far as the 
waves of Amphitrite, and scarce deigns to be circum- 
scribed by the ineffectual waters of Ocean. For it is 
written for our behoof : 'From the fair line of Troy a 
Caesar shall be born, who shall bound his empire by the 
ocean, his glory by the stars'. And when Augustus 
decreed that all the world should be taxed ' (as the lowing 
of our Evangelic Ox, aglow with the flame of the eternal 
fire, records), if the decree had not issued from the court of 
a most just prince, in vain would the only-begotten Son 
of God, made man, in order to the declaring 2 himself sub- 
ject to the edict, in accordance with the nature he had 
assumed, have willed to be born of the Virgin at that time. 
For He, whom it behoved to fulfil all righteousness, would 
not have counselled an unrighteous act. 

§ 4. Let him, then, for whom the whole world is look- 
ing, be ashamed to be entangled so long in such a narrow 
cornerof the world !; andlet it not escape the consideration of 
Augustus that the tyrant of Tuscany is encouraged by the 
assurance that he is delaying, and daily by appealing to the 
pride of the evil-doers gathers fresh strength, heaping 
daring upon daring. Let the voice of Curio to Caesar be 
heard once again : ' While the factions are in confusion 
and without support, away with delay ! delay was ever the 
bane of the ready — equal toil and fear are more dearly 
bought'. Once again let the voice of Mercury chiding 
Aeneas be heard : * If the glory of such mighty deeds leave 
thee unmoved, and thou wilt not exert thyself for thine 

1 ' Describi' — so A.V. renders describeretur in Luke ii. 1. 

2 ' Profitendum ' ; of. tlie use of ' profiteri ' in Luke ii. 3, 5. 


own fame's sake, yet consider the young Ascanius, Iulus 
thine hope and heir, to whom are due the kingdom of 
Italy and the land of the Komans \ 

§ 5. For John, thy royal first-born, the king, whom, 
after the setting of the day which is now rising, the 
succeeding generation of the world awaits as their ruler, 
is to us as a second Ascanius, who, following in the foot- 
steps of his great sire, shall rage like a lion against the 
followers of Turnus wheresoever they be, and towards the 
followers of Latinus shall be as gentle as a lamb. Let 
the lofty counsels of the most sacred king take heed lest 
the judgement from on high renew the bitter words of 
Samuel : ' When thou wast iittle in thine own sight, wast 
thou not made the head of the tribes of Israel ? and the 
Lord anointed thee king overlsrael. And theLord sent thee 
on a journey, and said, Go and utterly destroy the sinners 
the Amalekites.' For thou likewise hast been anointed 
king that thou mayest smite Amalek, and not spare Agag ; 
and mayest avenge him that sent thee on 'the brutal 
people', and their 4 over-hasty rejoicing' (which things 
verily ' Amalek ' and ' Agag ' are said to signify). 

§ 6. Through the spring as through the winter dost thou 
linger at Milan, thinking to extirpate the pestiferous hydrn 
by cutting off its heads ? But, if thou hadst turned thy 
thoughts back to the mighty deeds of glorious Alcides, 
thou wouldst perceive that thou, like him, art deceiving 
thyself ; for the noisome beast, as its ever-multiplying 
heads sprouted again, grew stronger through the loss, 
until the hero ingood earnest attacked the seat of life 
itself. For to destroy a tree the mere lopping of branches 
is of no avail — nay, the noxious growth will but come 
again the more thickly, so long as the roots are uninjured 
and can supply nourishment. What dost thou, the sole 
ruler of the world, imagine thou wilt have accomplished 
when thou hast set thy foot upon the neck of rebellious 
Cremona? Will not some unlooked-for madness next 
break out at Brescia or at Pavia ? Yea, and when this has 
been chastised and has subsided, presently another will 
break out at Vercelli, or at Bergamo, or elsewhere, until the 


root cause of this exuberance be removed, and, the root of 
all the mischief being plucked up, the spiny branches 
shall wither together with the trunk. 

§ 7. Dost thou not know, most excellent Prince, and 
canst thou not descry from the watch-tower of thine 
exalted Highness l where that stinking vixen has her lair, 
undisturbed by the hunters ? Verily the culprit drinks . 
neither of headlong Po, nor of thine own Tiber, but her 
jaws pollute e'en now the rushing stream of Arno, and 
Florence— canst thou be unaware r^-Florence is the name 
of this baleful pest. She is the viper that turns against 
the vitals of her own mother ; she is the sick sheep that 
infects the flock of her lord with her contagion ; she is the 
abandoned and unnatural Myrrha, inflamed with passion 
for the embraces of her father Cinyras ; she is the 
passionate Amata, who, rejecting the fated marriage, did 
not shrink from claiming for herself a son-in-law whom 
the fates denied her, but in her madness urged him to 
battle, and at the last, in expiation for her evil designs, 
hanged herself in the noose. Verily with the ferocity of 
a viper she strives to rend her mother, when she sharpens 
the horns of rebellion against Kome, which made her in 
her own image and after her own likeness. Verily she 
exhales pestilential fumes from the reek of corruption, 
whence the neighbouring flocks all unknowing waste 
away, when by the lure of lying blandishments and 
deceit she wins over to herself those on her borders, and 
having won them deprives them of their senses. Verily 
she burns for the embraces of her own father, when she 
wickedly and wantonly seeks to compass a breach between 
thee and the supreme Pontiff, who is the father of fathers. 
Verily she resists the ordinance of God, worshipping the 
idol of her own will, when, spurning her rightful king, 
she is not ashamed, mad as she is, to barter rights not her 
own with a king not her own for the power to do evil. 
But let the infuriate woman take heed to the noose 
wherein she is entangling herself. For oft-times such an 
one is ' given over to a reprobate mind ', to the end that 

1 CeMtudo, see above, p. 97, n. 1. 


when so given over he may ' do those things which are not 
convenient'. For though the deeds be unjust, yet as 
retribution they are seen to be just. 

§ 8/Up then ! make an end of delay, thou new scion of 
Jesse, and take confidence from the eyes of the Lord God 
of Hosts, in whose sight thou strivest ; and overthrow this 
Goliath with the sling of thy wisdom and with the stone 
of thy strength ; for at his fall night and the shadow of 
fear shall cover the camp of the Philistines — the Philistines 
shall flee and Israel shall be delivered. Then our heritage 
which was taken away, and for which we lament without 
ceasing, shall be restored to us whole again^ But even as 
now, remembering the most holy Jerusalem, we mourn 
as exiles in Babylon, so then as citizens, and breathing in 
peace, we shall think with joy on the miseries of Con- 

Written in Tuscany, from beneath the springs of Arno, 
on the seventeenth day of April, in the first year of the 
most auspicious passage of the holy Henry into Italy. 



(* Gratissima regiae Benignitatis epistola') 

To the Empress Margaret 
[April, 1311] 

MSS. — This and the two following letters (the so-called 
Battifolle letters), addressed to the Empress Margaret, wife of 
the Emperor Henry VII, in the name of a Countess of Batti- 
folle, have been preserved in one MS. only, namely the Vatican 
MS. (Cod. Vat.-Palat. Lat. 1729), in which they 6ccur third, 
fourth, and fifth of the nine letters attributed to Dante in the 
MS., 1 between the letter to the Florentines (Epist. vi) and that 
to the Counts Oberto and Guido da Romena (Epist. ii). 

Printed Texts. 2 — 1. Torri(1842) : Epist. ix (op.cit., p. 66).* 
2. Giuliani (1882): Epist. ii* (op. cit, p. 70). 3. Passerini 
(1910) : Epist. xii (op. cit, pp. 158-60). 4. Paget Toynbee 
(1912) : (diplomatic transcript of the MS. text, together with 
collations of the several printed editions of the letter, and a list 
of proposed emendations in the printed texts) in Modem 
Language Review (vol. vii, pp. 20-1). 5. Moore (1914) : 
(modernized transcript of the preceding) in Modern Language 
Review (vol. ix, % p. 175). 6. Moore (1917): (reprint of the 
preceding) in Studies in Dante, iv (pp. 258-9). 7. Paget 
Toynbee (1917) : (emended text) in Modern Language Review 
(vol. xii, pp. 303-4). 8. [Della Torre] (1917) : Epist. xiii (op. 
cit., pp. 272-4). 

Translations. 2 — Italian. 1. Torri (1842) : op. cit, p. 67. 
2. Passerini (1910) : op. cit., pp. 159-61.— Ge>man. Kannegiesser 

1 See above, p. 1. 

2 For titles of editions referred to here^as already quoted, see 
above, pp. 1-2. 

3 For some unexplained reason Torri, followed by Giuliani and 
Passerini, departsfrom the MS. order of these three letters, placing 
the last letter first, the second third, and the first second. 


(1845): op. cit., pp. 196-7.— English. Paget Toynbee (1917) : in 
Modern Language Review, vol. xii, pp. 304-5 (see oelow, pp . 1 1 0-1 1 ). 

Authenticity. — These three letters are not assigned to 
Dante by name in the MS., but, as in the case of Epist. i, 1 
from their position among acknowledged letters of Dante they 
were evidently regarded by the original compiler of the 
collection contained in the MS. (who is supposed to have been 
Boccaccio) 2 as having been written by Dante. The question as 
to their attribution to Dante was examined recently in great 
detail by Dr. Moore in an article in the Modern Language 
Review, 3 which was reprinted, with additions and corrections, 
in the fourth volume of his Studies in Dante, 4 the conclusion 
being strongly in favour of their Dantesque authorship. 5 
Dante is known to have been in the Casentino, and in all 
probability at the Castle of Poppi (whence the third letter is 
dated) at about the time the letters were written. 6 The 
Countess, in whose name they are written, being herself 
incapable of composing a letter in Latin to the Empress 
according to the recognized epistolary formulae (including the 
observance of the cursus), Dante, in view of his relations with 
the Emperor, 7 was the natural person to be employed as 
secretary 8 for the purpose. The striking correspondence of 

1 See above, p. 3. 2 See above, p. 3, n. 1. 

3 Vol. ix, pp. 173-89. 4 Pp. 256-75, 287. 

5 See also Zenatti, in Dante e Firenze, pp. 74 n., 370 ff., 395 ff. ; 
Novati, in Dante e la Lunigiana, pp. 509, 537, 540, and the referenees 
there given ; Mascetta-Caracci, in Dante e il * Dedalo ' Petrarchesco, 
pp. 333-4 ; and Parodi, in Bull. Soc. Dant. Ital., N.S. xix. 11-15 ; 
xxii. 271-2. 

6 See the colophons of his letters to the Florentines (Epist. vi) 
and to the Emperor (Epist. vii), and notes. 

7 His letter to the Emperor was written (April 17, 1311) just 
a month before the date (May 18) of the last of the three letters 
to the Empress. 

8 We know from Flavio Biondo that Dante had acted not long 
before as secretary to Scarpetta Ordelaffi at Forli (sce Introcluctiori). 


style, phraseology, and thoughts, and especially of indirect 
Virgilian quotations and reminiscences imbedded in the letters, 
with those of known works of Dante, 1 confirms the view that 
Dante was the writer. 

Date. — These three letters were probably all written in the 
spring of 1311 — the first perhaps towards the end of April, 
affcer the Emperor had set out from Milan (April 19) in order 
to reduce Cremona and the other rebellious cities of Lombardy ; 
the second at the end of April or beginning of May, during the 
operations against Cremona ; and the third (dated May 18) after 
the reduction of Cremona. 2 

Summary— The Countess returns humble thanks for the 
condescension of the Empress in writing to send news of the 
well-being of the Emperor and of herself ; andprays that God 
may grant success to the Emperor in his endeavours to restore 
peace and order. 

Gloriosissimae atque clementissimae Dominae, Dominae 
Margaritae a ?> divina providentia Romanorum Reginae 

MS. m Cocl. Vat-Palat. Lat. 1729 
a MS. M. 

1 The more striking of these coincidences and parallels, most 
of which were pointed out by Zenatti and Dr. Moore, will be found 
registered below in the notes to the several letters. 

2 See Chronological Table. 

3 In the MS. the name is not given at length, but only the 
initial — see note on title of Epist. i ; the full name is given in the 
title of the third letter, but this was perhaps due to the expansion 
by a copyist. Margaret of Brabant, the daughter of John I, Duke 
of Brabant, married Henry, Count of Luxemburg, afterwards 
Emperor as Henry VII, in 1292 ; she accompanied the Emperor 
on his progress into Italy, and died at Genoa on Dec. 14, 1311, 
where she was buried. Villani says of her (ix. 28) : ' era tenuta 
santa e buona donna ' ; and Dino Compagni (iii. 30) : ' la morte . . . 
per volonta di Dio parti dal mondo la nobile Imperadrice, con 
nobilisshna fama di gran santita di vita onesta. ministra de' poveri 


et semper Augustae^ G. de Battifolle a % Dei et adiu- 
valis Magniffcentiae 3 gratia Comitissa in Tuscia 
Palatinaf tam debitae quam devotae subiectionis offi- 
cium 5 ante pedes. 6 

Gratissima regiae Benignitatis epistola et meis oculis 
visa laetanter et manibus fuit assumpta reverenter, 7 ut 
decuit. Quumque significata per illam 8 mentis aciem 
penetrando dulcescerent, adeo spiritus lectitantis b fervore 
devotionisincaluit,ut numquam possint superareoblivia c , 5 
nec memoria sine gaudio memorare. Nam quanta vel 
qualis 9 ego ? Ad enarrandum mihi de sospitate consor- 
tis et sua (utinam diuturna !) coniunx fortissima Caesaris 

a MS. bat. b MS. letitaniis c MS. oblia 

di Cristo. La quale fu sepellita con grande onore . . . nella Chiesa 
maggiore di Genova \ Both Villani and Dino say that she died in 
November, but see Del Lungo, Dino Compagni e la sua Cronica, vol. ii, 
p. 384, n. 26. She is said to have died of plague, contracted 
during the siege of Brescia in the preceding summer (see Del 
Lungo, loc. cit., n. 23). l See note on title of Epist. vii. 

2 This lady has been identified con.jecturally with Gherardesca 
di Donoratico, wife of Guido di Simone di Battifolle, of the Conti 
Guidi (see Ricci, VTJltimo Rifugio di Dante, p. 17). 

3 That is, the Emperor ; cf. the titles of Epist. vii**: ' Dei et 
Imperii gratia largiente ' ; and Epist. vii*** : ' Dei et Imperialis 
indulgentiae gratia '. For the use of ' Magnificentia ' as a title of 
honour, see note on Epist. iv (iii). 6. 

4 See note on Epist. ii. 33. 

5 Cf. Epist. vi. 33-4 : ' debitae subiectionis ofiicium denegando ? ; 
and Epist. v. 62-3 : ' Praeoccupetis faciem eius in confessione 
subiectionis '. 6 Cf. Epist . vii tit. : l osculum ante pedes '. 

7 Cf. Epist. ix. 1-2 : • In literis vestris, et reverentia debita et 
aftectione receptis '. 

8 Cf. Epist. ix. 7-8 : • ad illarum [literarum] significata re- 
spondeo '. 

9 Cf. Epist. i. 7 ; Epist. x. 584-5 ; and Par. ii. 65 ; viii. 46 ; xxiii. 92 ; 
xxx. 120. 


eondescendat ? Quippe tanti pondus honoris x neque a 
merita gratulantis neque dignitas postulabat. Sed nec 10 
etiam inclinari humanorum graduum b dedecuit apicem, 
unde velut a vivo fonte sanctae civilitatis exempla debent 
inferioribus emanare. Dignas itaque persolvere grates 
non opis est hominis, 2 verum ab homine alienum esse non 
reor pro insufficientiae supplemento Deum exorare quan- 15 
doque. Nunc ideo regni siderii iustis precibus atque 
piis aula pulsetur, et impetret supplicantis affectus qua- 
tenus mundi Gubernator aeternus condescensui tanto 
praemia coaequata retribuat, 2 et ad auspitia 3 Caesaris 
et Augustae dexteram gratiae coadiutricis extendat, ut 20 
qui Romani Principatus 4 imperio barbaras nationes et 
cives in mortalium tutamenta subegit, 5 delirantis aevi 6 
familiam sub triumphis et gloria sui Henrici 7 reformet 8 
in melius. 


To ' the most glorious and most clement Lady, the Lady 
Margaret, oy Divine Providence Queen ofthe Bomans and 
ever Augusta, G. d\Battifolle, by the grace of God and of 
His allied Magnifcence Countess Palatine in Tuscany, 
mdkes humble offermg of her dutiful and devoted sub- 

The most welcome letter of your Royal Benignity was 

a MS. atque b MS. humanomm in graduum 

1 Cf. V. E. ii. 4, 1. 30 : • materiae pondus '. 

2 Aen. i. 600-5 ; cf. Epist. i. 39-44 (and note) ; Epist. ii. 8 ; Par. iv. 
121-3 (see Moore, Studies in Dante, iv. 270). 

3 See note on Epist. iv (iii). 16. 

4 See note on Epist. vii. 67. 5 Cf. Epist. vi. 1-8. 

6 Cf. Epist. vi. 87 : ' delirantis Hesperiae domitorem '. 

7 Cf. Epist vii tit. : ' Gloriosissimo et felicissimo triumphatori 
. . . Henrico '. 8 Cf. Epist. vii. 14. 


beheld with joy by my eyes, and with becoming reverence 
was received into my hands. And when the purport 
thereof penetrated the recesses of my mind with its sweet- 
ness, my heart as I read glowed with so great fervour of 
devotion as oblivion can never extinguish, nor memory 
recall without delight. For who and what am I, that the 
most potent spouse of Caesar should condescend to inform 
me as to the well-being (which long may it endure !) of 
her Consort and of herself ? Verily the weight of so great 
an honour neither the deserts nor the dignity of her who 
greets you could look for. Yet was it not unseemly that the 
pinnacle of the ranks of human society should thus incline 
itself, since from hence, as from a living fountain, the 
exemplars of sacred civilization must be transmitted to 
those below. To return adequate thanks is beyond the 
power of man, but I deem it to be not unnatural for man 
sometimes to make prayer to God for help in his insuffi- 
ciency. Now therefore let the court of the starry realm 
be assailed with just and holy prayers, and may the zeal 
of the suppliant obtain that the Eternal Ruler of the world 
may recompense so great a condescension with propor- 
tionate reward, and may stretch forth the right hand of 
His grace in furtherance of the hopes of Caesar and of 
Augusta ; to the end that He, who for the safeguard of man- 
kind brought under the Empire of the Roman Prince all 
peoples barbarian and civilized, may by the triumphs and 
glory of His servant Henry regenerate the human family 
of this crazy age. 



(' Regalis epistolae documenta ') 

To the Empress Margaret 

[April or May, 1311] 

MSS.— This,the second of the three so-called Battifolle letters, 
addressed to the Ernpress Margaret in the name of a Countess 
of Battifolle, has, like the other two, been preserved in one MS. 
only, the Vatican MS. (Cod. Vat.-Palat. Lat. 1729)} 

Printed Texts. 2 — 1. Torri (1842) : Epist. x (op. cit., p. 68). 3 
2. Giuliani (1882): Epist. iii* (op. cit., p. 71). 3. Passerini 
(1910) : Epist. xiii (op. cit., pp. 162-4). 4. Paget Toynbee (1912) : 
(diplomatic transcript of the MS. text, together with collations 
of the several printed editions of the letter, and a list of pro- 
posed emendations in the printed texts) in Modem Language 
RevLeiv (vol. vii, pp.21-3). 5. Moore (1914) : (modernized tran- 
script of the preceding) in Modern Language Review (vol. ix, 
pp. 175-6). 6. Moore (1917) : (reprint of the preceding) in 
Studies in Dante, iv (p. 259). 7. Paget Toynbee (1917) : 
(emended text) in Modern Language Review (vol. xii, pp. 305-6). 
8. [Della Torre] (1917) : Epist. xiv (op. cit., pp. 274-5). 

Translations. 2 — Italian. 1. Torri (1842) : op. cit., p. 69. 
2. Passerini (1910) : op. cit., pp. 163-5. — German. Kannegiesser 
(1845): op. cit., pp. 197-8.— English. Paget Toynbee (1917): 
in Modern Language Review, vol. xii, pp. 306-7 (see below, 
p. 115). 

Authenticity. See introductory note to Epist. vii*. 

Date. — This letter was probably written at the end of April 
or beginning of May, 1311 (see introductory note to Epist. vii*). 

1 See introductory note to Epist. vii*. 

2 For titles of editions referred to here as already quoted, see 
above, pp. 1-2. 

8 See above, p. 106, n. 3. 


Summary. — The Countess expresses her joy at the news 
received from the Empress as to the auspicious progress of the 
Emperor ; declares her confident belief in his ultimate success 
with God's help ; and craves the protection of the Empress for 

Serenissimae atque piissimae Dominae, Dominae Margari- 
tae % coelestis miserationis intuitu Romanorum Keginae 
et semper Augustae, devotissima sua G. de Battifolle b , 
Dei et Imperii gratia largiente Comitissa in Tuscia 
Palatina, flexis humiliter genibus reverentiae debitum 

Regalis epistolae documenta gratuita 2 ea qua potui 
veneratione recepi, intellexi devote. Sed quum de pro- 
speritate successuum vestri felicissimi cursus 3 familiariter 
intimata concepi, 4 quanto libens animus concipientis 
arriserit, placet potius commendare silentio tamquam 5 
nuntio meliori 5 ; non enim verba significando sufficiunt 

MS. = Cod. Vat.-Palat. Lat. 1729 
a MS. .M. b MS. bateffolle, with the first/expunctuated 

1 See notes on title of Epist. vii*. 

2 Cf. Epist. iv (iii). 2 : * affectus gratuitas \ 

3 Cf. ' faustissimus cursus ' in the colophons of Epist. vi, Epist. vii, 
Epist. vii***. The reference is perhaps to the pacification oi Lodi 
effected by the Emperor after his departure (April 19) from Milan, 
and to the progress of his operations against Cremona, which was 
reduced to submission in May (see Del Lungo, Dino Compagni e la sua 
Cronica, vol. ii, p. 368 n.). 

4 Cf. Epist. ix. 5. 

5 Cf. Canz. vii. 17-18 ; Conv. iii. 1, 11. 16-22, 38-9 ; iv. 5, 11. 140-5 ; 
also Par. xxxiii. 55-6 ; Epist. x. 575-7 (see Moore, Studies in Dante, 
iv. 273). 

2165 I 


ubi mens ipsa quasi debria superatur. 1 Itaque suppleat 
regiae Celsitudinis 2 apprehensio quae scribentis humilitas 
explicare non potest. At quamvis insinuata 8 per literas 
inefFabiliter grata fuerint et iucunda, spes amplior tamen 10 
et laetandi causas accumulat, et simul vota iusta con- 
fectat. Spero equidem, de coelesti provisione confidens, 
quam numquam falli vel praepediri posse non dubito, et 
quae humanae civilitati 4 de principe singulari 5 providit, 
quod exordia 6 vestri regni felicia semper in melius pro- 15 
sperata procedent. Sic igitur in praesentibus et futuris 
exultans, de Augustae clementia sine ulla haesitatione 
recurro, et suppliciter tempestiva deposco, quatenus me 
sub umbra tutissima vestri Culminis 7 taliter collocare 
dignemini, ut cuiusque sinistrationis ab aestu sim semper 20 
et videar esse secura. 

1 Cf. Psalm xxxv. 9 ; Jerem. xxiii. 9 ; and Conv. iii. 8, 1. 133 ; 
Inf. xxix. 2 ; Par. xxvii. 3. 

2 Cf. Epist vii. 136 ; instances of ' Celsitudo' as a title of honour 
are of frequent occurrence in the Regesta Pontiflcum Romanorum ; 
thus the title of ' Regia Celsitudo ' is applied by Innocent III 
(Oct. 4, 1204) to Frederick, King of Sicily (ed. Potthast, No. 2287), 
and (Jan. 21, 1209) to King John of England (Potth., No. 3618) ; 
and by Gregory IX (April 27, 1236) to Alexander II of Scotland 
(Potth., No. 10148) ; that of ' Imperialis Celsitudo ' by Honorius III 
(June 27, 1222) to the Emperor of Constantinople (Potth., No. 6868) ; 
and by Gregory IX (July 22, 1227) to the Emperor Fiederick II 
(Potth., No. 7972); and by the same (Oct. 1227) to the same 
(Potth., No. 8049). 

3 , Cf. Epist. x. 538, 548, 577 (see Moore, Studies in Dante, iii. 336). 

4 Cf. Epist. vi. 4-8 ; Mon. i. 2, 11. 50, 54 ; 3, 1. 2 ; Conv. iv. 4, 11. 1-3. 

5 See note on title of Epist. vii. (p. 87, n. 2). 

6 Cf. Epist. i. 17 ; vi. 194. 

7 Cf. Epist. viii. 164: 'Apostolicum Culmen', of the Pope ; the 
title 'Culmen' is applied by Gregory IX (July 22, 1227) to the 
Emperor Frederick II (Potthast, op. cit., No. 7972). 



To the most serene and most gracious Lady, the Lady 
Margaret, oy the merciful dispensation ofHeaven Queen of 
the Romans and ever Augusta, her most devoted servant, 
G. di Battifolle, oy the oountiful grace of God and of the 
Empire Countess Palatine in Tuscany, on her humbly 
oended Jcnees presents her dutiful respects. 

I received the favour of your royal letter with all 
possible reverence, and studied its contents with devotion. 
But when I perused your friendly intimation as to the 
prosperous issue of your most auspicious progress, with 
what great joy my heart was gladdened by the perusal 
I prefer to commend to silence, as to a more competent 
messenger ; for words* are not adequate as a means of 
expression when the mind itself is overcome as it were 
with inebriation. May then the understanding of your 
Koyal Highness supply what the humility of your cor- 
respondent is not able to convey. But although the news 
contained in your letter was unspeakably welcome and 
pleasing, yet a larger hope both heaps up fresh causes for 
rejoicing, and already sees the fulfilment of its just 
aspirations. I indeed hope, confiding in the providence 
of Heaven, which, as I firmly believe, can never be 
deceived, nor be hindered of its purpose, and which has 
provided for civilized mankind one sole Prince, that the 
happy inauguration of your reign may be confirmed by 
ever-increasing prosperity. Exulting therefore in the 
present as in the future, witnout hesitation I commit 
myself to the clemency of Augusta, and humbly make 
early supplication that you may deign to place me in safe- 
keeping beneath your Eminence's shadow, in such wise 
that I may ever be, and may be seen to be, sheltered from 
the fiery heat of all and every untoward chance. 




(' Quum pagina vestrae Serenitatis') 

To the Empress Margaret 
[May 18, 1311] 

MSS.— This, the third of the three so-called Battifolleletters, 
addressed to the Empress Margaret in the name of a Countess 
of Battifolle, has, like the other two, been preserved in one MS. 
only, the Vatican MS. (Cod. Vat.-Palat. Lat. 1729). 1 

Printed Texts. 2 — 1. Torri (1842) : Epist. viii (op. cit., p. 64). s 
2. Giuliani (1882) : Epist. i* (op. cit., p. 69). 3. Passerini (1910) : 
Epist. xi (op. cit., pp. 154-6). 4. Paget Toynbee (1912) : 
(diplornatic transcript of the MS. text, together with collations 
of the several printed editions of the letter, and a list of 
proposed emendations in the printed texts) in Modern Language 
Review (vol. vii, pp. 23-4). 5. Moore (1914): (modernized 
transcript of the preceding) in Modern Language Review (vol. ix, 
p. 176). 6. Moore (1917) : (reprint of the preceding) in Studies 
in Dante, iv (pp. 259-60). 7. Paget Toynbee (1917) : (emended 
text) in Modern Language Review (vol. xii, pp. 307-8). 8. [Della 
Torre] (1917): Epist. xii (op. cit., pp. 271-2). 

Translations. 2 — Italian. 1. Torri (1842) : op. cit., p. 65. 
2. Passerini (1910): op. cit., pp. 155-7. — German. Kannegiesser 
(1845) : op. cit., pp. l§h-§.—English. Paget Toynbee (1917) : 
in Modem Language Review, vol. xii, pp. 308-9 (see below, 
pp. 119-20). 

Authenticity.— See introductory note to Epist. vii*. 

Date.— This is one of three among the letters attributed to 

1 See introductory note to Epist. vii*. 

2 For titles of editions referred to here as already quoted, see 
above, pp. 1-2. 

3 See above, p. 106, n. 3. 


Dante which is specifically dated (May 18, 1311), the other two 
being the letter to the Florentines (Epist. vi) and the letter to 
the Emperor Henry VII (Epist. vii). 1 

Summary. — The Countess acknowledges with rejoicing the 
good news sent by the Empress as to the operations of the 
Emperor ; and in obedience to the Empress's wish states that 
her husband and herself and children are in good health and 
happy at the thought of the reviving fortunes of the Imperial 

Illustrissimae atque piissimae Dominae, Dominae Mar- 
garitae, divina providentia Romanorum Reginae et 
semper Augustae, fidelissima sua G. de Battifolle 3 ; 
Dei et Imperialis indulgentiae gratia Comitissa in 
Tuscia Palatina, cum promptissima recommendatione 
se ipsam et voluntarium ad obsequiafamulatum. 2, 

Quum paginavestraeSerenitatis 3 apparuitantescriben- 
tis et gratulantis aspectum, experta est mea pura fidelitas 
quam in dominorum successibus animi b 4 subditorum 

MS. = Cod. Vat.-Palat. Lat. 1729 

a MS. batifolle b MS. ta ; the reading in the text is conjectural ; 
Torri, followed by Giuliani and Passerini, reads pectora 

1 See introductory notes to Epist. vi and Epist. vii* (pp. 65, 108). 

2 See notes on title of Epist. vii*. 

3 The title of ' Serenitas ' applied to royal and imperial personages 
is of frequent occurrence in the Regesta Pontificum Romanorum ; it is 
applied by Honorius III (May 29, 1224) to Louis VIII of France 
(ed. Pottbast, No. 7202) ; by Gregory IX (March 30, 1227) to the 
Emperor Frederick II (Potth., No. 7869), &c; that of ' Imperialis 
Serenitas' by the same (Aug. 19, 1236) to the same (Potth., 
No. 10228) ; that of < Regalis Serenitas ' by Innocent III (Feb. 25, 
1208) to Peter II of Aragon (Potth., No. 3306). 

4 The MS. reading (ta = tam) makes no sense ; it is possibly 
a corruption of ai (= animi). 


fidelium collaetentur. Nam per ea quae continebantur 
in ipsa cum tota cordis hilaritate concepi qualiter dex- 5 
tera Summi Regis vota Caesaris et Augustae feliciter 
adimplebat. 1 Proinde gradum meae fidelitatis experta, 
petentis audeo iam inire officium. 2 Ergo ad audientiam 
vestrae Sublimitatis 3 exorans, et suppliciter precor et 
devote deposco quatenus mentis oculis 4 intueri digne- 10 
mini praelibatae interdum fidei puritatem. Verum quia 
nonnulla regalium clausurarum videbatur hortari ut, si 
quando nuntiorum facultas adesset, Celsitudini 5 regiae 
aliquid peroptando de status mei conditione referrem, 
quamvis quaedam praesumptionis facies 6 interdicat, 15 
obedientiae tamen suadente virtute obediam. 7 Audiat 
ex quo iubet Romanorum pia et serena Maiestas quo- 
niam tempore missionis praesentium coniunx praedilectus 
et ego, Dei dono, vigebamus incolumes, liberorum sospi- 

1 This is perhaps a reference to the recent reduction of Cremona 
by the Emperor, and possibly also to the capture of Vicenza by 
Can Grande della Scala in the Imperial interest at about the same 
time (seo Chronological Table). 

- Cf. Epist. x. 89 : ; lectoris officium '. 

3 ' Sublimitas ' as a title of honour is applied by Honorius III 
(Nov. 22, 1226) to the Emperor Frederick II (Potthast, op. cit., 
No. 7614) ; by Gregory IX (March 23, 1227) to the same (Potth., 
No. 7864) ; by the same (June 4, 1238) to the King of Portugal 
(Potth., No. 10611); and ' Regia Sublimitas' by the same (April 3, 
1230) to Alexander II of Scotland (Potth., No. 8514). 

4 Cf. Epist. ii. 30 (where see note). 

5 See note on this word in Epist. vii** (p. 114, n. 2). 

6 Cf. Epist. vii. 26 : ' facies veritatis '. 

7 Moore punctuates (Mod. Lang. Rev. ix. 176 ; Studies in Bante, 
iv. 260) : ' quamvis quaedam praesumptionis facies interdicat 
obedientiae, tamen suadente virtute obediam ' ; but both the con- 
struction and the cursus — 'facies interdicat' (velox) — point to the 
punctuation adopted in the text. 


tate gaudentes, tanto solito laetiores quanto signa re- 20 
surgentis Imperii meliora iam saecula promittebant. 1 

Missum de castro Poppii 2 xv Kalendas Iunias faustis- 
simi cursus Henrici Caesaris ad Italiam anno primo. 3 


To the most illustrious and most gracious Lady, the Lady 
Margaret, oy Divine Providence Queen ofthe Bomans and 
ever Augusta, her most faithful servant, G. di Battifolle, 
oy the grace of God and of the Imperial indulgence 
Countess Palatine in Tuscany, with the most zealous 
devotion offers herself and her willing service to command. 

When the letter of your Serenity came before the eyes 
of her who writes and sends this greeting, my sincere 
devotion proved in what measure the hearts of devoted 
servants are made glad by the happy fortunes of their 
Lords. For from the contents of your letter I gathered 
with the most complete rejoicing of heart how the right 
hand of the Most High King was auspiciously bringing 
about the accomplishment of the wishes of Caesar and of 
Augusta. Having then made proof of the measure of my 
devotion, I now make bold to assume the part of petitioner. 
Supplicating therefore the attention of your Eminence, 
I humbly beg and earnestly beseech that you may deign 
to examine with the eyes of your mind the sincerity of 
the devotion of which I have spoken. But whereas 
a sentence in the royal letter seemed to urge that, should 
the opportunity of a messenger occur, I should furnish to 
your Royal Highness, agreeably to my fervent desire, 
some particulars as to the condition of my circumstances, 
although a certain appearance of presumption would 
forbid me, yet under the suasion of the virtue of 
obedience I will obey. May it please the gracious and 

1 Cf. Epist. vii. 20-1 : ' nova spes Latio saeculi melioris effulsit \ 

2 See note on colophon of Epist. vi. 

3 Cf. the colophons of Epist. vi and Epist. vii, and see above, p. 65. 


serene Majesty of the Romans to learn, since such is her 
command, that at the moment of the dispatch of these 
presents my beloved husband and myself, by the gift of 
God, were prospering and in good health, rejoicing in the 
welfare of our children, and more than usually joyful in 
that the omens of the reviving fortunes of the Imperial 
cause were already giving promise of more happy times to 

Dispatched from the castle of Poppi on the eighteenth 
of May l in the first year of the most auspicious passage 
of the Emperor Henry into Italy. 

1 *xv Kalendas Iunias', which Torri renders ' il 16 Maggio ', and 
Mascetta-Caracci (loc. cit.) ' il 16 Giugno '. 



( f Qnomodo sola sedet civitas ') 

To the Italian Cardinals 
[May or June, 1314] 

MSS.— This letter, like those to a Pistojan Exile (Epist. iii 
(iv)), and to a Friend in Florence (Epist. ix), has been preserved 
(unfortunately in a very corrupt text 1 ) only in the Laurentian 
MS. (Cod. xxix. 8) already mentioned, 2 the portion of which 
containing these three letters is in the handwriting of Boccaccio, 
and was executed probably about the year 1348. 

Printed Texts. 3 — 1. Carlo Troya (1826) : (in part 4 ) in Del 
Veltro Allegorico di Dante (Firenze, 1 826 ; pp. 214-16). 2. Witte 
(1826) : (in part 5 ) in Antologia Fiorentina (Firenze, Sett. 1826 ; 
vol. xxiii, pp. 57-9). 3. Witte (1827): Epist. vii, in Dantis 
Alligherii Epistolae quae exstant (pp. 53-61). 4. Fraticelli 
(1840) : Epist. iv (op. cit., pp. 256-74). 5. Torri (1842) : Epist. 
xii (op. cit., pp. 82-90). 6. Muzzi (1845): Epist. i, in Tre 
Epistole Latine di Dante Allighieri restituite a piu vera lezione 
(Prato, 1845; pp. 11-18). 7. Fraticelli (1857): Epist. ix (op. 
cit. } pp. 510-18). 8. Giuliani (1882): Epist. viii (op. cit, 

1 Consequently editors of the letter have indulged pretty freely 
in conjectural emendations. I have been able to restore the MS. 
reading in a considerable number of passages ; but, as will be seen, 
I have myself introduced a certain number of conjectural emenda- 
tions, for some of which, as well as for many valuable criticisms 
and suggestions, I am indebted to my friend the Principal of 
Brasenose (Dr. Heberden). 

2 See introductory note on Episl. iii (iv) (p. 19). 

3 For titles of editions referred to here as already quoted, see 
above, pp. 1-2. 

4 Troya printed the first part of the letter, with the omission of 
certain words, as far as the middle of § 4 ('vehiculum habeatis'). 

5 Witte printed the portion omitted by Troya. 


pp. 27-31). 9. Scartazzini (1890) : in Prolegomeni della Divina 
Commedia (Leipzig, 1890; pp. 128-32). 10. Moore (1894): 
Epist. viii (op. cit, pp. 411-13). 11. Passerini (1910) : Epist. viii 
(op. c*Y.,pp. 80-94). 12. E. Rostagno (1912) : (diplomatic tran- 
script of the MS. text) in La Bibliofilia (Firenze, Nov. 1912). 1 
13. [Della Torre] (1917) : Epist. xv (op. cit., pp. 275-82). 14. 
Paget Toynbee (1918) : (diplomatic transcript of the MS. text, 
together with collations of the various readings of the several 
printed editions of the letter, and a list of proposed emendations 
in the Oxford text) in Modem Language Review (vol. xiii, pp. 210- 
15). 15. Paget Toynbee (1918): (emended text) in Modern 
Language Revieio (vol. xiii, pp. 219-23). 

Tkanslations. 2 — JtaZwm. 1. Fraticelli (1840): op. cit., pp. 
257-75. 2. Torri (1842) : op. cit., pp. 83-91. 3. Muzzi (1845) : 
op. cit., pp. 26-31. 4. Fraticelli (1857) : (revised trans.) op. cit., 
pp. 511-19. 5. Passerini (1910): op. cit., pp. 81-95. -German. 
1. Kannegiesser (1845) : op. cit. t pp. 201-7. 2. Scartazzini 
(1879) : (extracts) in Dante Alighieri, seine Zeit, sein Leben und 
seine Werke (pp. 406-8). 3. Wegele (1879): (extracts) in Danie 
Alighierfs Leben und Werke (pp. 262-5). 4. Kraus (1897) : 
(extracts) in Dante, sein Leben und sein Werk (pp. 308-11). 
—English. 1. Latham (1891) : op. cit., pp. 164-73. 2. Wick- 
steed (1898): in A Provisional Translation of Dante^s Political 
Letters (pp. 22-8). 3. Wicksteed (1904): (revised trans.) in 
Translation of the Latin Works of Dante Alighieri (pp. 331-7). 
4. Paget Toynbee (1918) : in Modern Language Review, vol. xiii, 
pp. 223-7 (see below, pp. 143-7). 

Authenticity. — This letter is the third of the three men- 
tioned by Villani in his notice of Dante in his Cronica : ' In 
tra V altre fece tre nobili pistole ; 1' una mando al reggimento 
di Firenze dogliendosi del suo esilio sanza colpa ; 1' altra mando 
allo 'mperadore Arrigo . . . ; la terza a' cardinali italiani, quand' 
era la vacazione dopo la morte di papa Clemente, acciocche 

1 This had originally been printed separately ' per nozze \ 

2 For titles of editions referred to here as already quoted, see 
above, p. 2. 


s'accordassono a eleggere papa italiano' (ix. 136). It was 
known to Petrarch, who in his canzone ' Spirto gentil ' addressed 
to the Roman Senator Bosone da Gubbio in 1336 or 1337, in 
which he conjures him to make an end of the factions in Rome, 
and to restore the city to its ancient freedom and greatness, 1 
echoes Dante's phrase 'Roma nunc Hannibali ncdum alii 
miseranda' (11. 142-4) in the line 'Ch' Annibale, non ch' altri, 
farian pio J (1. 65). 2 The letter was also known to Rienzi, who 
introduced many phrases from it in his own letter (written in 
1351) to the Cardinal Guy de Boulogne. 3 The Dantesque 

1 See Le Rime di Francesco Peirarca, edited by G. Mestica, Firenze, 
1896, p. 79. 

2 Witte, Fraticelli, Torri, Bartoli, and others draw attention to 
a supposed imitation of this same phrase from Dante's letter in 
the oration delivered at Florence on July 2, 1347, by Francesco 
de' Baroncelli, as envoy from Rienzi. But BaroncellPs source was 
not Dante's letter, but the canzone of Petrarch referred to above, 
as a comparison of the following passage from Baroncelli's oration 
with 11. 57-65 of the canzone proves beyond a doubt : ' Le donne 
lagrimose e '1 popolo lacerato, i romei, religiosi e altra gente, tutti 
travagliati e oppressi, quale per uno modo, quale per un altro, 
mostravano le loro piaghe delle loro ingiurie a mille insieme, che 
non solo altri, ma Annibale crudelissimo avrian fatto pietoso ' (in 
Cronica di Giovanni Villani, ed. Magheri, vol. viii, p. ccxxiv). The 
lines of the canzone (numbered vi in Mestica's edition, usually xi) 
are : 

Le donne lagrimose e '1 vulgo inerme 
De la tenera etate e i vecchi stanchi, 
Ch' anno se in odio e la soverchia vita, 
E i neri fraticelli e i bigi e i bianchi, 
Coll' altre schiere travagliate e 'nferme, 
Gridan : signor nostro, aita, aita ; 
E la povera gente sbigottita 
Ti scopre le sue piaghe a mille a mille, 
Ch' Annibale, non ch' altri, farian pio. 

3 In Epistolario di Cola di Rienzo, ed. A. Gabrielli, Roma, 1890, 
pp. 204 ff. Compare ' Dicet aliquis forte mihi : quid tua refert, 
o minime civium, qualitercumque arca Romanae reipublicae recalci- 
trantibus deferatur a bobus? et velis praesumptuosa tu manu 


authorship of the letter, which has been disputed, but is now 
generally admitted, was first recognized by Carlo Troya. 1 

Date. — After the death of the Gascon Pope Clement V (' il 
Guasco ', Par. xvii. 82), at Roquemaure on the Rhone, on April 
20, 1314, the Cardinals to the number of twenty-four assembled 
in Conclave at Carpentras, about sixteen miles from Avignon, 
to elect a successor. Of these, six only were Italian, namely 
Niccolo da Prato, Napoleone Orsini, Guglielmo de' Longhi, 
Francesco Gaetani, and Jacopo and Pietro Colonna ; the rest 
being French, for the most part Gascons devoted to the interests 
represented by the late Pope. The Italian Cardinals fixed their 
hopes on a candidate, an Italian Bishop, though a Frenchman 
(Guillaume de Mandagot, Cardinal-Bishop of Palestrina), who 
should restore the Papal See to Rome, and should rescue the 
Papacy from the predominating French, and especially Gascon, 
influence. The Gascon party, fearing that if the Bishop of 
Palestrina were elected their plans would be defeated, on July 
14, with Bertrand de Got, the late Pope's nephew, at their head, 
burst into the Conclave, with arms in their hands, and, shouting 
1 Death to the Italian Cardinals ', drove them out and forced 
them to take refuge at Valence. 2 The Conclave being thus 

illam erigere, quae non nisi forsan suprema dispensatione sic 
trahitur, et quod dispensatorie agitur, tenere tu repenses? an 
putas, ovis una, totum romanum gregem plus suo pastore diligere 
. . . ? ' with 11. 67-72 of Dante's letter. Rienzi speaks of the 
1 romanum ovile ' (cf. 1. 22) ; of the ' sacrilegii, scismatis haeresis- 
que commaculae ' (cf. 11. 30-2) ; of the ' praecipitium ' into which 
the people are being led (cf. 11. 48-9); of 'civitatem sanctam, 
evacuatam, . . . desolatam ' (cf. 11. 144-5); of 'piissima mater' 
(cf. 1. 107), &c. 

1 See Bel Veltro AUegorico di Dante, pp. 204-5, 214-16. 

2 An account of this outrage was given by the Italian Cardinals 
themselves in an encyclical letter dated from Valence on Sept. 8 
of the same year, within a few weeks of the event : ' Venerabilibus 
in Christo Patribus religiosis viris fratribus Cisterciensi[bus], de 
Firmitate, de Pontiniaco, de Claravalle, et de Morimundo monasterio- 
rum Abbatibus, necnon et generali capitulo ordinis Cisterciensis, 


broken up, the See remained vacant for more than two years, 
until at last a candidate was agreed upon in the person of 

amicis carissimis, miseratione divina fratres Nicolaus Ostiensis et 
Vellitrensis Episcopus, Neapoleo sancti Adriani, Guillermus sancti 
Nicolai in carcere Tulliano, Franciscus sanctae Mariae inCosmedin, 
et Iacobus et Petrus de Columna sanctae Romanae Ecclesiae 
Diaconi Cardinales, salutem et sinceram in Domino caritatem. . . . 
Dum nos et alii Ecclesiae Romanae Cardinales post obitum Domini 
Clementis Papae quinti essemus in palatio civitatis Carpentora- 
tensis ad eligendum futurum summum Pontificem, sub uno 
conclavi, et nos Cardinales Italici, non quaerentes quae nostra 
sunt, sed quae Dei, neglectis singularibus affectionibus reciprocis 
in nos ipsos, peteremus hominem ad sustinendas columnas 
Ecclesiae, qui dictam Ecclesiam reformando dirigeret, essetque 
in hoc tantum nostra omnis cura, omnis intentio, hic affectus, 
subito Vascones, seu quod libram examinis sub futuro summo 
Pontifice teste conscientia formidarent, seu quod armorum vio- 
lentia crederent hereditario iure Dei sanctuarium possidere, ex 
deliberato atque proposito, tamen sub palliato colore, deferendi 
videlicet corpus eiusdem Papae, in copiosa peditum et equitum 
armatorum multitudine convenerunt, et scelus quod mente con- 
ceperant producentes in actum, die xxiv Iulii arma sumpserunt 
bellica, et sub ordinatione Bertrandi de Guto et Raymundi 
Guillermi Domini Papae nepotum civitatem Carpentoratensem 
intrantes, multos curiales Italicos, cum soli Italici peterentur ad 
mortem, inhumaniter trucidarunt, et se ad praedam convertentes 
et spolia, crescente rabie ac ad crudelia fervescente furore, in 
diversis civitatis partibus incendia posuerunt. Nec iis contenti, 
plurimorum Cardinalium ex nobis hospitia duris insultibus et 
iniectis ignibus invadentes, bella ibidem acerrima cum clangore 
tubarum hostiliter intulerunt. Invalescente tandeni graviori peri- 
culo et gravissimo, sicut in captis civitatibus assolet, increbrescente 
rumore, multitudo Vasconum et equitum armatorum ostium dicti 
conclavis obsedit acclamando Moriantur Cardinales Italici; Volumus 
Papam, volumus Papam ; et ipsis in huiusmodi acclamatione fre- 
mentibus, alia multitudo Vasconum et equitum armatorum 
plateam dicti conclavis invasit, similibus circumdato palatio 
vocibus acclamando. Nos vero praefati Cardinales Italici circum- 
septi tantis angustiis et mori tam turpiter tam crudeliter metuentes, 
cum omnia circum conclave armatorum multitudo teneret, neque 


Jacques cTEuse of Cahors, Archbishop of Avignon, who was 
elected Pope at Lyons on Aug. 7, 1316, and took the title of 
John XXII. It is impossible to fix precisely the date of Dante's 
letter to the Italian Cardinals ; but from his reference (in 
11. 182-3) to 'the contest that is already begun', it appears 
probable that it was written soon after the death of Clement, in 
the early days of the Conclave, that is in May or June, 1314, and 
at any rate before the irruption of the Gascons into the Con- 
clave which reduced the Italian Cardinals to impotence. 

Summary.— § 1. As the corruption of the priesthood of old 
brought ruin on Jerusalem, whose fate was lamented by 
Jeremiah ; § 2. so now Rome, which by the blood of Peter and 
Paul was consecrated as the Apostolic See, suffers in like 
manner, and like her is left desolate. §3. Jews and Gentiles 
make a mock of her, and the powers of evil prevail, which 
things astrologers and false prophets declare to be of necessity, 
whereas they arise from the abuse of free will. § 4. The Cardi- 
nals, the special guardians t of the Church, have gone astray 
from the track, and have brought themselves and their charge 
to the verge of destruction. Let them take warning by the fate 
of Nadab and Abihu, and of them that sold doves in the temple, 
and repent them of their transgressions ere it be too late. § 5. If 
the writer be charged with the presumption of Uzzah, he will 
reply that Uzzah laid his hand on the Ark, whereas he gives heed 
to the unruly oxen that are dragging it into the wilderness. 
§ 6. If shame be not dead, they should blush at the thought that 
his voice alone, and that of a private individual, should be 
raised in lamentation over the demise of the Church. § 7. But 
little wonder, for one and all are devoted to covetousness, the 
Fathers of the Church are neglected for the Decretalists, and 
publicus pateret egressus, tandem posteriorem murum palatii, 
facto inibi parvo foramine, pro nostra salute rupimus, de Car- 
pentorate postmodum dispersi discedentes, non sine mortis peri- 
culo ad diversa loca discessimus, et per misericordiam Dei, quae 
est illa quae nos salvos reddidit, ad terras pervenimus amicorum. . . . 
Datum Valentiae die octava Septembris.' (See Baluze, Vitae 
Paparum Avenionensium, Paris, 1693; vol. ii, col. 286-8.) 


not God but riches are the object of their worship. § 8. Let 
them not suppose that he is alone in his opinion, for on all sides 
men are thinking what he proclaims aloud ; but they hold their 
peace instead of bearing witness. §9. It is they themselves 
have compelled him to lift up his voice, and they should be 
ashamed to receive rebuke from so humble a source ; but shame 
may beget repentance, which in turn may give birth to purpose 
of amendment. § 10. With this view let them consider the 
present unhappy condition of Rome, deprived as she is of both 
her luminaries, which is their special concern as Cardinals of 
the Roman Church ; and let them reflect that it is they, and two 
of them in particular, who have beeri responsible for her mis- 
fortunes. §11. But there shall be amendment of the evil if 
they one and all strive manfully on behalf of the Church, and 
of Rome, and of Italy, so that the greed of the Gascons be 
defeated, and they be made an example for all ages. 

[Cardinalibus Italicis Dantes de Florentia, etc. & *] 

§ 1. ' Quomodo sola sedet civitas, plena populo ! facta 
est quasi vidua domina gentium.'' 2 Principum quondam 
5 Pharisaeorum cupiditas, quae sacerdotium vetus abomi- 
nabile fecit, non modo Leviticae prolis ministerium 
transtulit, 3 quin et praeelectae civitati David obsidionem 5 
peperit et ruinam. Quod quidem de specula punctali b 4 

MS. = Cod. Laurent. xxix. 8 0. = Oxford Dante 

a 0. Dantes Aligherius de Florentia b MS. puctalis ; 0. provecta 

1 This heading obviously did not form part of the original 

2 Lam. i. 1. 3 2 Chron. xi. 14. 

4 Presumably from punctus, in the sense of ' at the point', *at 
the summit', hence 'exalted', 'sublime'. I have not been able 
to meet with another instance of the word. For the expression, 
cf. Epist. vii. 136-7 : ' de specula summae celsitudinis'. 


10 aeternitatis intuens Qui solus aeternus est, mentem Deo 
dignam viri prophetici * per Spiritum Sanctum sua ius- 
sione impressit, et sanctam a Ierusalem velut exstinctam, 

15 per verba praesignata, et nimium, proh dolor ! iterata, lo 

§ % Nos quoque, eundem b Patrem et Hlium, eundem 
Deum et Hominem, nec non eandem Matrem et Virginem 

20 profitentes, propter quos et propter quorum salutem ter 
de caritate interrogatum et dictum est c 2 : ' Petre, pasce 15 
oves meas ', scilicet sacrosanctum ovile, Romam d 3 (cui 
post tot triumphorum pompas, et verbo et opere Christus 

25 orbis confirmavit imperium, 4 quam etiam ille Petrus, et 
Paulus gentium praedicator, 5 in Apostolicam sedem 

a O. et is sanctam b MS. idem c MS. ter de carite interogatum 
dictum est ; O. ter de caritate interrogato, dictum est d MS. petre pasce 

sacrosanctam ouilem romanam ; O. ' Petre, pasce sacrosanctum ovile ' ; 

1 Jeremiah. , 


2 The insertion of et is required by the sense, and also rectifies 

the cursus — ' (interro)gatum et dictum est ' (tardus). 

3 There can hardly be a doubt that there is an omission here on 
the part of the copyist of the MS. (whose carelessness is evidenced 
by his writing carite for caritate), and that Dante must have quoted 
the actual words of the Vulgate, ' pasce oves meas ' (John xxi. 15-17). 
Possibly the original reading was, '"Petre, pasce oves meas", 
scilicet pasce sacrosanctum ovile, Komam ', in which case the 
omission may have been due to the repetition of the word ' pasce ' 
(on scribal errors of this nature arising from o/iotoreXeuTa, see 
Moore, Studies in Dante, iv. 6). The insertion of scilicet seems 
necessary ; the abbreviation of which (f.), especially when preceding 
another i ( = s), might easily have been overlooked by the copyist. 
The reading here adopted follows in part a suggestion of Giuliani 
(see also Bull. Soc. Dant. Ital, N.S. xix. 269, n. 2). 

4 Cf. Orosius, Adv. Paganos, vi. 22, §§ 6, 7, 8; vii. 3, § 4. 

5 Rom. xi. 13 ; 1 Tim. ii. 7 ; 2 Tim. i. 11. 


aspergine proprii a sanguinis consecrarunt b J ), cum 20 
Ieremia, non lugenda d postvenientes, sed post ipsa e 

30 dolentes, viduam et desertam f lugere compellimur. 

§ 3. 2 Piget 8 , heu ! non minus quam plagam lamenta- 
bilem cernere h haeresium, 3 quod 4 impietatis * fautores, 
Iudaei, Saraceni, et gentes j sabbata nostra rident, 5 et, 25 

35 ut fertur, conclamant : * Ubi est Deus eorum ? ' ° et quod 
forsan k suis insidiis apostatae 7 Potestates 8 contra * 

a MS. propij b MS. consecrauit c 0. quam nunc cum I. d O. 
lugendo e MS. ipso ; 0. ipsum f MS. disertam e O. compellimur ; 
piget h MS. cernerei. (?) ! MS. heresium. impietatis ; 0. haeresium. 
Impietatis j MS. egentes k O. Etforsan l MS. insidiis apotestate 
potentes contra ; 0. insidiis ac potestati contra 

1 According to tradition St. Peter was crucified, and St. Paul 
was beheaded, at Konje. Cf. Orosius : ' [Nero] primus Eomae 
Christianos suppliciis et mortibus affecit, ac per omnes provincias 
pari persecutione excruciari imperavit, ipsumque nomen exstirpare 
conatus beatissimos Christi apostolos Petrum cruce, Paulum gladio 
occidit' (Adv. Paganos, vii. 7, § 10) ; and Par. xviii. 131-2. 

2 The reconstruction of the text makes it necessary to begin § 3 
here, instead of at ' impietatis fautores ' as in the Oxford text. 

3 It is possible that the correcfc reading is not cernere haeresium, 
which is unsatisfactory as violating the cursus. The MS. reading 
appears to be cernerei heresium, a stroke, which looks like a final i, 
being attached to cernere ; as this is followed by a point it may 
have originally been written separately and intended for the 
abbreviation of idest, thus giving cernere, idest haeresium, as the 
reading, which restores the cursus — 'idest haeresium' (tardus). 

4 The insertion of quod here seems necessary in view of the et 
quodforsan of 1. 36. 

5 Lam. i. 7 (cf. Par. v. 81). 

6 Psalm lxxviii. 10 ; cxiii 2 . 2. 

7 I am indebted to Dr. Heberden for this brilliant and wholly 
convincing emendation of the MS. reading apotestate, which was 
no doubt due to the scribe's ignorance of the comparatively 
unfamiliar apostate ( = apostatae). The word occurs twice in the 
Vulgate, viz. Joo xxxiv. 18 ; Prov. vi. 16. 

8 This emendation gives the required antithesis to the defensantes 

2165 k 


defensantes Angelos hoc adscribunt ; et, quod horribilius 
est, quod astronomi a quidam et crude prophetantes 

40 necessarium asserunt, quod, male usi libertate arbitrii, 30 
eligere maluistis. 1 

§ 4. Vos equidem, ecclesiae militantis veluti primi 
praepositi pili, 2 per manifestam orbitam Crucifixi cur- 

45 rum b Sponsae regere negligentes, non aliter quam falsus 
auriga Phaeton 3 exorbitastis ; et, quorum sequentem 35 
gregem per saltus peregrinationis huius 4 illustrare inter- 
erat, ipsum una vobiscum ad praecipitium traduxistis. 

50 Nec adimitanda vobis recenseo, quum d dorsa, non vultus, 
ad Sponsae vehiculum 5 habeatis — vere dici possetis e , qui 
prophetae ostensi sunt, male versi ad templum 6 — ; 40 

55 vobis f ignem de coelo missum despicientibus, ubi nunc 

a MS. asironomij ; 0. omits quod b MS. cursum c MS. nobiscum 
d MS. nec adimitanda recenseo cum ; 0. Nec ad imitandum recenseo vobis 
exempla, quum ■ O.possitis f MS. Nobis 

Angelos of 1. 37. It is probable that the scribe, having written 
apotestate instead of apostate, to avoid the apparent repetition then 
altered potestates into potentes. Dante in this passage seems to have 
had in mind Ephes. vi. 11-12. 

1 Cf. the passage on necessity and free will in Purg. xvi. 67-78. 

2 Cf. Par. xxiv. 59, where Dante speaks of St. Peter as ' I* alto 
primipilo \ The centurio primi pili was the centurion of the front 
rank of the triarii (the veteran soldiers who formed the third 
rank from the front when the legion was drawn up in order of 
battle), and hence was the chief centurion of the legion. Cf. 
Vegetius, Be Re Militari, ii. 8. 

3 Cf. Inf. xvii. 107 ; Purg. iv. 72 ; xxix. 118-20 ; Par. xvii. 3 ; 
xxxi. 125 ; Conv. ii. 15, 11. 53 ff. Dante got the story of Phaethon 
from Ovid, Metam. ii. 1-324. 

* Eeb. xi. 13. 

5 Cf. Purg. xxxii. 119, where the mystic car, representing the 
Church, is spoken of as • il trionfal veiculo '. 

6 Ezek. viii. 16. 


arae ab alieno calescunt * ; vobis columbas in templo a 
vendentibus, 2 ubi quae^ pretio mensurari non possunt, 
in detrimentum hinc inde commorantium c 3 , venalia 

60 facta sunt. Sed attendatis ad funiculum, 4 attendatis ad 45 
ignem 5 ! neque patientiam contemnatis Iljius, qui ad 
poenitentiam vos expectat. Quod si de praelibato prae- 
cipitio dubitatur, quid aliud declarando respondeam, 

65 nisi quod in Alcimum 6 cum Demetrio 7 consensistis ? 

§ 5. Forsitan, ' et quis iste d , qui Ozae 8 repentinum 50 
supplicium non formidans, ad arcam, quamvis labantem, 

70 se erigit ? ' indignanter obiurgabitis. Quippe de ovibus 

a O. in templis b MS. ubique c MS. hinc inde commurancium ; 
0. haec ad commutandum d 0. Forsitan et ' quis 

1 The reference is to Nadab and Abihu, who ' offered strange fire 
before the Lord ', Levit. x. 1. 

2 John ii. 14-15. 

3 The useof commoror with hinc inde is unusual, and raises a doubt 
as to the reading. Dr. Heberden suggests that the true reading 
may be commeantium or commigrantium. 

4 The * scourge of small cords ' (in the Vulgate ' flagellum de 
funiculis') used by Christ to purge the temple, John ii. 15. 

5 That is, the fire which consumed Nadab and Abihu, Levit. x. 2 
(see note on 1. 56). Cf. Epist. vii. 170 : ' attendat ad laqueum '. 

6 Alcimus was the high-priest who was appointed by Demetrius, 
King of Syria, in opposition to Judas Maccabaeus (1 Maccao. vii-ix). 

7 Demetrius I, King of Syria, 162-150 b.c. When he came to 
the throne, Alcimus, who was captain of 'all the wicked and 
ungodly men of Israel', wishing to be appointed high-priest, 
accused Judas Maccabaeus of being hostile to the king, who sent 
a force against Judas and made Alcimus high-priest (1 Maccab. 
vii. 9). The allusion is to the dealings of Philip the Fair of France 
and Pope Clement V (typified respectively by Demetrius and 
Alcimus) with regard to the election of the latter to the Papal See 
(cf. Villani, viii. 80). 

8 2 Sam. vi. 6-7 ; cf. Purg. x. 55-7. For Rienzi's imitation of this 
passage, see above, p. 123, n. 3. 

K 2 


in pascuis 8,1 Iesu Christi minima una sum 2 ; quippe 
nulla pastorali auctoritate abutens, quoniam divitiae 

75 mecum non sunt. Non ergo divitiarum, sed gratia Dei 55 
sum id quod sum, 3 et 4 zelus domus eius comedit me b V 
Nam etiam in ore lactentium et infantium 5 sonuit iam 
Deo placita c veritas, et caecus natus veritatem confessus 

80 est, quam Pharisaei non modo tacebant, sed et maligne 
reflectere conabantur. 6 His habeo persuasum quod 60 
audeo. Habeo praeter haec d praeceptorem Philoso- 

a MS., 0. ovibus pascuis b MS. omits me ; 0. me comedit c MS. 
placida d 0. hoc 

1 Pascuus is used only of land and the like (as ' pascuus ager ', 
' pascua rura ', ' pascua silva '), never of animals. Either, there- 
fore, the MS. reading ovibus pascuis is corrupt, or it involves 
a blunder. It is possible, but hardly probable, that Dante may 
have been misled by such passages of the Vulgate as Psalm lxxviii. 
13 ('oves pascuae tuae') and Psalm xcix. 3 ('oves pascuae eius'), 
where pascuae is not the adjective, but the genitive singular of 
pascua. It seems necessary, therefore, to supply in, which (in 
MS. i) might easily have been overlooked by a careless copyist. 
The phrase * in pascuis ' occurs in this same letter (1. 100). Giuliani 
recognized the difficulty and read pascui, but in mediaeval Latin 
the neuter pascuum was not used in the singular ; the rule being 
that for the singular the feminine pascua should be used, and for 
the plural either the feminine pascuae or the neuter pascua. Thus 
Giovanni da Genova says in the Catholicon: l A pasco, -scis, derivatur 
hec pascua, -scue ; unde in psalmo : In loco pascue ibi me collocavit. 
Sed in plurali est neutri generis, scilicet, hec pascua, -orum ; unde 
Ezech. xxxiiii : Nonne satis erat vobis pascua bona depasci. 
Invenitur etiam in feminino genere hec pascue, -arum ; unde idem 
propheta in eodem capitulo : Insuper et reliquias pascuarum 
vestrarum conculcastis pedibus vestris. Idem in eodem capitulo : 
In montibus excelsis Israel erunt pascue earum.' 

2 Cf. 1 Cor. xv. 9; and Quaestio, tit. 3, where Dante speaks of 
himself as 'inter vere philosophantes minimus'. 

3 1 Cor. xv. 10. 4 Psalm lxviii. 10. 
5 Psalm viii. 3. 6 John ix. 1-41. 


phum, qui cuncta moralia dogmatizans, amicis omnibus 
85 veritatem docuit praeferendam. 1 Nec Ozae praesumptio, 
quam obiectandam quis crederet quasi temere prorum- 
pentem me inficit a sui tabe reatus ; quia ille ad arcam, 65 
ego ad boves calcitrantes per abvia b distrahentes, 
90 attendo c . Ille ad arcam proficiat, qui salutiferos oculos 
ad naviculam fluctuantem aperuit ! d 2 

§ 6. Non itaque videor quemquam exacerbasse ad 
iurgia ; quin potius confusionis ruborem et in vobis et 70 
95 aliis, nomine solo archimandritis 3 (per orbem 4 duntaxat e 
pudor eradicatus non sit totaliter) accendisse, quum de 
tot pastoris officium usurpantibus, de tot ovibus, et si 
100 non abactis, neglectis tamen et incustoditis in pascuis, 
una sola vox, sola pia, et haec privata, in matris Eccle- 75 
siae quasi funere audiatur. 

§ 7. Quidni ? Cupiditatem unusquisque sibi duxit 
105 uxorem/ 5 quemadmodum et vos, quae nunquam pietatis 

a O. inficiet b 0. etper abvia c MS. actendor d O. aperuit. 
e 0. archimandritis, per orbem (duntaxat f MS., O. duxit in uxorem 

1 Ethics i. 6 ; cf. Conv. iv. 8, 11. 141-4 ; Mon. iii. 1, 11. 17-18. 
3 Matt. viii. 24-6 ; Mark iv. 36-9 ; Luke viii. 22-5. 

3 Cf. Par. xi. 99, where Dante applies the term to St. Francis ; 
and Mon. iii. 9, 1. 123, where he applies it to St. Peter. Uguccione 
da Pisa in his Magnae Derivationes says of this word (s.v. mando) : 
' Hec mandra, -dre, id est bubulcus, a bobus sibi commendatis, vel 
quia boum nomina mandat memorie . . . ; vel mandros dicitur ovis, 
unde hic et hec mandra, pastor ovium, et per compositionem hic et 
hec archimandrita, -te, quasi princeps vel pastor ovium, unde et 
quadam translacione episcopi et archiepiscopi et etiam sacerdotes 
dicuntur archimandrite, quasi pastores ovium '. 

4 Giuliani is undoubtedly right in his suggestion that the 
parenthesis should begin (as in Muzzi's text), not at duntaxat as 
in the textus receptus, but &t per orbem. 

5 The MS. reads duxit in uxorem, but the usual phrase is ducere 


et aequitatis, ut caritas, sed semper impietatis et iniqui- 
tatis est genetrix. Ha ! mater piissima, Sponsa Christi, 80 
quae a inaqua et Spiritu x generas tibi filios ad ruborem ! 

1 10 Non caritas, non Astraea, 2 sed filiae b sanguisugae 3 factae 
sunt tibi nurus. Quae quales pariant tibi foetus, praeter 
Lunensem pontificem, 4 omnes alii contestantur. Iacet 

115 Gregorius 5 tuus in telis aranearum, iacet Ambrosius 6 in 85 
neglectis clericorum latibulis, iacet Augustinus 7 adiectus, 

a O. quos b MS. JUias 

uxorem ; cf. Gen. xxv. 20 : ' Isaac duxit uxorem Kebeccam ' ; and 
xxix. 28 : ' Rachel duxit uxorem ' ; also Judges iii. 6 ; 1 Kings vii. 8 ; 
xvi. 31, &c. x John iii. 5. 

2 Cf. Mon. i. 11, 11. 7-8 : 'Virgo vocabatur Iustitia, quam etiam 
Astraeam vocabant ' ; cf. also Purg. xxii. 71 ; and Epist. vii. 23. 

8 Frov. xxx. 15. 

4 The Prelate here referred to is supposed to be Gherardino 
da Filattiera, a member of the Malaspina family, of the Spino 
Fiorito branch, who was Bishop of Luni from 1312 to 1321. He 
was an ardent Guelf, and having refused to submit to the Emperor 
Henry VII, and to take part in his coronation at Milan, was 
deprived of his temporal power;. this, however, after the deatli 
of the Emperor he in part recovered by the aid of Castruccio 
Castracani, whom he nominated viscount of the Bishopric of 
Luni, July 4, 1314. For Dante's ironical exception of the Bishop 
here from his condemnation of the Italian Church dignitaries, 
cf. the similar exceptions in Inf. xxi. 41 : ' fuor che Bonturo ' ; and 
Inf. xxix. 125 : ' Trammene Stricca'. 

B Gregory the Great, Pope, 590-604 ; his chief works were the 
Moralia, an exposition of the Book of Job in 35 books, his Homilies 
on Ezekiel, and on the Gospels, and his Dialogues in four books on 
the lives and miracles of the Italian saints. 

6 St. Ambrose, 334-397 ; author of many hymns, and of exegetical 
works on the Psalms and Gospel of St. Luke. 

7 St. Augustine, 354-430 ; his two most famous books are the 
Confessiones and De Civitate Dei, besides which Dante quotes his 
De Doctrina Christiana (cf. Mon. iii. 4, 11. 60-72) and De Quantitate 

nimae (cf. Epist. x. 556. and note). 


Dionysius, a ' Damascenus 2 et Beda 3 ; et nescio quod 

Speculumf Innocentium, 5 et Ostiensem 6 declamant. 7 

120 Cur non ? b Illi Deum quaerebant, ut finem et optimum ; 

isti census et beneficia consequuntur. 90 

§ 8. Sed, o Patres, ne me phoenicem extimetis c in 

a 0. iacet Augustinus ; abiectus Dionysius b O. Cur enim ? e 0. 

1 Dionysius the Areopagite, the Athenian whose conversion to 
Christianity by the preaching of St. Paul is mentioned in the Acts 
(xvii. 34). He was credited with the authorship of a work on the 
Celestial Hierarchy, which was translated into Latin in Cent. ix 
and became the mediaeval text-book of angelic lore ; and of another 
on the Names of God, both of which were known to, and utilized 
by, Dante. Cf. Epist. x. 405, and note. 

2 John of Damascus, c. 680-756 ; his most important work was 
an exposition of the orthodox faith, which was translated into 
Latin in Cent. xii under the title De Fide Orthodoxa. 

3 Venerable Bede, c. 673-735 ; author of an Ecclesiastical History 
of England, and numerous other works, chiefiy ecclesiastical. 

4 The Speculum ludiciale, commonly known as the Speculum Iuris, 
a treatise on civil and canon law, written c. 1270 by Wilhelmus 
Durandus (1237-96), who subsequently (1286) became Bishop of 
Mende in Languedoc. 

5 Probably Innocent IV, Pope, 1243-54 ; he was originally 
professor of law at Bologna, and was one of the most learned 
canonists of his time. 

6 <Him of Ostia', that is, Henry of Susa (Enrico Bartolomei), 
c. 1200-71 ; he lectured on canon law at Bologna and Paris, and 
became Cardinal-Bishop of Ostia in 1261, whence he was commonly 
styled Ostiensis ; his most famous work was the Summa super 
titulis Decretalium, otherwise known as Summa Ostiensis. Dante 
refers to him as ' Ostiense ' in Par. xii. 83. 

7 With this denunciation of the Italian Cardinals for their devo- 
tion to the works of the Decretalists in their temporal interests, in 
preference to the works of the Fathers of the Church, cf. Par. ix. 
133-5 : ' Per questo (the Florentine fiorin) 1' Evangelio e i Dottor 
magni Son derelitti, e solo ai Decretali Si studia si che pare ai lor 
vivagni '. 


orbe a terrarum. 1 Omnes enim, quaegarrio, murmurant, 
125 aut mussant b , aut cogitant, aut somniant 2 ; et quae 
inventa non attestantur. c Nonnulli sunt in admiratione 
suspensi ; an semper et hoc d silebunt, neque Factori suo 95 
testimonium reddent ? Vivit Dominus, quia qui movit e 
130 linguam in asina f Balaam, 3 Dominus est etiam moder- 
norum brutorum. 

§ 9. Iam garrulus factus sum ; vos me coegistis. 4 
Pudeat ergo tam ab infra, non de coelo ut vos absolvat g 5 , 100 
135 argui vel moneri. Recte quidem nobiscum agitur h6 , 

a MS. orbem b MS. musant ; 0. omits aut mussant c 0. somniant. 
Et qui inventa non attesiantur? d O. et hi e 0. quique movit 

f MS. asinam e MS. ut aosoluet ; 0. ut absolvat h MS. , O. agit 

1 There was only supposed to be one Phoenix ; cf. Brunetto 
Latini, in the Tresor : ' Fenix est uns oisiaus en Arrabe dont il n'a 
plus que un sol en trestout le monde ' (i. 164). 

3 On this clausula, see Parodi in Bull. Soc. JDant. Ital, N.S. 
xix. 270. 3 Numb. xxii. 28-30. 4 2 Cor. xii. 11. 

5 The insertion of vos, as Parodi points out (Bull. Soc. Dant. Ital., 
N.S. xix. 270), rectifies the cursus, giving the velox — ' de coelo ut vos 
absolvat '. • 

6 The MS. and all the printed editions read agit, but this 
construes very awkwardly with the pulsatur of the next line. 
I feel very little doubt that Dante wrote not agit, but agitur ; 
cf. Epist. vi. 96 : l Dei iudicio quandoque agi credendum est '. The 
omission by a careless scribe of the 'tick' (representing r super- 
script) which differentiates agitur (agif) from agit in MSS. would 
account for the hitherto accepted reading. The cursus would be 
a form of tardus ('nobiscum agitur') of which there are numerous 
instances in Dante's letters ; it occurs, for instance, at least ten 
times in Epist. vi (see Appendix C, p. 228). For the accentuation 
' nobiscum ', cf. Epist. v. 145 : ' nobiscum opinari cog6tur ' ; V. E. i. 
10, 1. 71 : ' nobiscum dissentire putamus ' — a form of clausula 
(velox combined with planus) which is common enough in Dante's 
letters (see Appendix C, p. 241). On the other hand ' vobiscum ' in 
1. 49 of the present letter appears to be paroxytone : l una vobiscum ' 


quum ex ea parte pulsatur ad nos, ad quam cum caeteris 
sensibus inflet auditum, ac pariat pudor in nobis poeni- 
tudinem a , primogenitam suam, et haec b propositum 

140 emendationis aggeneret. 105 

§ 10. Quod ut gloriosa longanimitas foveat et defen- 
dat, Romara urbem, nunc utroque lumine destitutam, 1 

145 nunc Hannibali nedum alii c miserandam, 2 solam seden- 
tem et viduam, prout superius proclamatur, qualis est, 
pro modulo vestrae imaginis ante mentales oculos d 3 110 
affigatis oportet. 64 Et ad vos haec sunt maxime, qui 

150 sacrum Tiberim f parvuli cognovistis. 5 Nam etsi Latiale 
caput pie cunctis est Italis diligendum, tamquam com- 
mune suae civilitatis principium, vestrum g 6 iuste 

a O. poenitentiam b MS. hoc c O. aliis d MS. oculo e O. 
ante mortales oculos affigatis omnes f MS. iybrum g MS. mstra ; 

O. vestras 

1 Rome was deprived of her two Suns, the Pope and the 
Emperor ; cf. Purg. xvi. 106-8 : ' Soleva Koma, che il buon mondo 
feo, Due Soli aver, che 1' una e 1' altra strada Facean vedere, e del 
mondo e di Deo \ The Papal See was vacant through the death of 
Clement V on April 20, 1314 ; and the Imperial crown was in 
dispute, since the death of Henry VII on August 23, 1313, between 
Louis of Bavaria and Frederick of Austria. 

2 For Petrarch's imitation cf this expression, see above, p. 123. 

3 Cf. Epist. ii. 30, and note. 

4 Dante generally uses the construction of oportet with the infini- 
tive ; once (Mon. iii. 12, 1. 11) he uses it with quod and the subjunc- 
tive ; the present appears to be the only instance of his use of it 
with the subjunctive alone. 

5 Dante now addresses himself specially to the Roman Cardinals, 
who were four in number out of the six Italian Cardinals, viz. 
Napoleone Orsini, Francesco Gaetani, and Jacopo and Pietro 
Colonna ; of the other two, Niccolo degli Albertini was a native 
of Prato, and G-uglielmo de' Longhi a native of Bergamo. 

6 For this use of vestrum, cf. Ovid, Fast. iv. 889 : < Nulla mora est 
operae — vestrum est dare, vincere nostrum '. 


censetur accuratissime colere ipsum, quum sit vobis 115 
155 principium ipsius quoque esse. a l Et si caeteros Italos 
in praesens miseria dolore confecit et rubore confudit ; 
erubescendum esse vobis, dolendum quis dubitet, qui 
tantum h insolitae sui vel solis eclipsis 2 causa c fuistis ? d 3 

2_ MS. cum sit uobis principium ciuilitatis esse ipsum quoque b MS. 

cam ; O. causa c MS. cu d O. qui causa insolitae sui vel solis 

eclipseos fuistis 

1 'If Rome did not exist, you as Cardinals would have no 
existence.' It is difficult to believe that Dante can have written 
such a sentence as the MS. reading here (' cum sit uobis principium 
ciuilitatis esse ipsum quoque '), which is moreover impossible from 
the point of view of the cursus. It is no doubt a case of ' pie ', as 
to which see Moore, Studies in Dante, iv. 6, 33. Moore shows how 
easily a confused sentence like the above may arise — words acci- 
dentally omitted by a primitive copyist, and by him (or another) 
written in the margin, subsequently get inserted in the text, but 
in the wrong place. The process is analogous to that by which 
marginal glosses become embodied in the text. The omission of 
civilitatis (which apparently was caught by the copyist from the 
preceding line), and the substitution of ipsius for ipsum, are due to 
Witte. It may be noted that the phrase ipsius esse, in the genitive, 
occurs in Epist. x. 398. 

2 The genitive eclipseos, which is substituted for the MS. reading 
eclipsis by all the editors except Muzzi, is non-existent in Latin. 
The regular genitive both in late and in mediaeval Latin was 
eclipsis, which is the only form registered by Giovanni da Genova, 
whereas he gives the alternative genitives ' -is vel -eos' for other 
words of Greek origin in -is ; e. g. genesis, heresis, metamorphosis, 

3 For the MS. reading of this sentence, 'qui cam insolite sui uel 
solis eclipsis cu fuistis ', which makes no sense, 0. following Witte 
reads ' qui causa insolitae sui vel solis eclipseos fuistis '. I think 
it more probable that cam is f a mistake, not for ca (i. e. causa), but 
for tam (c and / being very easily confounded in MSS.), i. e. tantum, 
in the sense of tam (cf. Epist. ix. 33 : ' temeraria tantum ' ; and see 
Du Cange, s.v., where he quotes ' tantum lividum ' as an instance 
of ' tantum pro tam ') ; and that the meaningless cu (i. e. cum) of 


160 Tu a prae omnibus, Urse, 1 ne degradati b 2 collegae 3 120 

a MS. tu b MS. degrattaU ; 0. degratiati 

the MS. before fuistis, which 0. omits, is a mistake for cd, i. e. 
causa. This emendation restores the cursus, giving the planus, 
' causa fuistis '. The meaning would be that the removal of the 
Apostolic See to Avignon was an eclipse not so much of Kome as 
of the Papacy itself (figured by the Sun, the greater light ; cf. Mon. 
iii. 4, 11. 10-21 ; Epist. v. 169-70 ; Epist. vi. 54-5). 

1 ' Filii Ursi ' was a regular Latin rendering of the name Orsini, 
as appears from the Consulte Fiorentine (quoted by Del Lungo in Dal 
Secolo e dal Poema di Dante, p. 469), and from the letters of Cola 
di Rienzo and of Coluccio Salutati ; cf. Nicholas IIFs description 
of himself in Inf. xix. 70 as ' figliuol dell' Orsa \ he being a member 
of the Orsini family. The member of the family here addressed 
by Dante was the GhibelKne Napoleone degli Orsini del Monte 
(d. 1342), who had been created a Cardinal by Nicholas IV in 1288. 
On the death of Boniface VIII in 1303 Napoleone (who, it must be 
. borne in mind, in spite of his name, did not belong to the Orsini 
faction), together with the Cardinal Niccolo da Prato, as leaders of 
the Colonna faction, took an active part, as Villani records (viii. 80), 
in securing the election of the French Pope Clement V in opposi- 
tion to the Gaetani and Orsini faction, one of the motives being to 
secure the restoration of the two Colonna Cardinals, Jacopo and 
Pietro, who had been deprived by Boniface VIII, a matter about 
whieh he had since become lukewarm, as appears from Dante's 
reproaches in this passage. After his bitter experience of the 
disastrous effects of Clement V's policy, as he himself acknowledges 
in a letter to Philip the Fair (quoted by Witte), Napoleone was 
now, in the Conclave at Carpentras, the leader of the opposition 
to the Gascon party — 'capo di quella setta contro a' Guasconi', 
says Villani (ix. 81) — in the hope of securing the election of an 
Italian (or pro-Italian) Cardinal (see above, p. 124). 

8 It seems probable that degradati, not degratiati, as in 0., is the 
correct emendation of the MS. degrattati. Disgratia and disgratiatus 
are registered by Du Cange, but I can find no instance of degratiatus. 
On the other hand, degradare and degradatio ('poena ecclesiastica, 
qua quis suo gradu privatur ') are recognized terms, and eminently 
applicable to the case in point, namely degradation from the 

3 Jacopo and Pietro Colonna, the former (d. 1318) created a 


perpetuo a * remanerent inglorii ; et illi, ut b militantis 
Ecclesiae veneranda insignia, 2 quae forsan non emeriti c 

a MS. pp ; 0. propter ie b 0. et ut illi c MS. emerit 

Cardinal in 1278 by Nicholas III, the latter (d. 1326) by Nicholas IV 
in 1288, had been deprived in 1297 by Boniface VIII as an incident 
in his contest with their house, which culminated in his capture 
at Anagni in 1303 by Sciarra Colonna, the uncle of the two 
Cardinals ; Clement V had restored them to their dignity, but 
sine titulo, in Dec. 1305, apparently at the time of his first creation 
of Cardinals (Dec. 15). In a Bull of Clemenfs addressed from 
Lyons on Jan. 2, 1306, 'Dil. filio Iacobo de Columpna Sancte 
Romane ecclesie diacono cardinali ', Jacopo is referred to as ' tu 
per nos reassumptus ad cardinalatus statum '. 

1 The abbreviation in the MS. might stand for pcpulo, or proprio, 
or propositio, of which the first alone would make any sense here, 
and that not very satisfactory. I think it probable that Dante 
wrote perpetuo, and that the present reading of the MS. is a corrup- 
tion due to a careless or ignorant copyist. This conjecture is 
confirmed by the language of Boniface VIII in his Bull of depriva- 
tion (May 10, 1297), in which he says : 'prefatos Iacobum Sancte 
Marie in Via Lata et Petrum Sancti Eustachii diaconos cardinales 

. . . a cardinalatibus ipsis Sancte Romane Ecclesie et predictarum^ 
ecclesiarum deponimus ; omnibus cardinalatus seu cardinalatuum 
iuribus, comodis, utilitatibus, honoribus, proventibus, fructibus, 
redditibus, obventionibus et quibuscumque ad cardinalatum vel 
cardinalatus ipsos spectantibus privamus perpetuo . . . reddentes 
ipsos et unumquemque ipsorum perpetuo inhabiles ad apicem 
apostolice dignitatis et cardinalatus honorem seu statum . . . ' (see 
Begistres de Boni/ace VIII: Lettres curiales, No. 2388, ed. Digard, 
Faucon et Thomas, Paris, 1884 ff.). I have consequently ventured 
to adopt perpetuo in the text. 

2 Cf. Epist. vii. 16-17 : < veneranda signa Tarpeia ' (of the Imperial 
ensign). There is perhaps a reference here to the proclamation of 
Boniface VIII of May 23, 1297, in which Jacopo and Pietro Colonna 
are forbidden to use the style and insignia of Cardinal — 'cardinales 
se nominare et cardinalitia portare insignia annulis et rubeis 
capellis utentes ' (see Potthast, Begesta Bomanorum Pontificum, 
No. 24519). 


sed immeriti coacti a posuerant, Apostolici Culminis x 
165 auctoritate resumerent b . Tu quoque, Transtiberinae 

sectator c factionis d alterius, 2 ut ira defuncti Antistitis 3 195 

in te velut ramus insitionis in trunco non suo frondesce- 
170 ret, quasi e triumphatam Carthaginem nondum exueras, 

illustrium Scipionum patriae potuisti hunc animum sine 

ulla tui iudicii contradictione praeferre ? f 4 

§ 11. Emendabitur quidem (quamquam non sit quin 130 
175 nota cicatrix infamis Apostolicam Sedem, usque ad ignem 

cui coeli qui » nunc sunt et terra sunt reservati, 5 detur- 

a MS. cuti b MS. resumeret c MS. septator d MS. sanctionis 
e MS. Quod si f O. praeferre. g MS. quod 

1 Cf. ' vestrum Culmen ', applied to the Empress in Epist. vii**. 

2 ' The Transteverine faction ' was the party of the Guelfs, and 
included the Orsini and Gaetani, as opposed to the Ghibelline 
party, with whom the Colonnesi were identified, and whose head- 
quarters were on the left bank of the Tiber (see Torraca, in Bull. 
Soc. Dant. Ital., N.S. xvii. 175). The individual here in question 
was Francesco Gaetani, nephew of Boniface VIII, by whom he 
was made a Cardinal in 1295 ; he was a staunch supporter of 
Boniface in his contest with the Colonnesi, and after the death 
of the former continued to carry out his policy. 

3 Namely, Boniface VIII (see previous note). 

4 That is, ' as though thou wert at heart afoe to Eome ', Carthage 
having been the secular enemy of Kome. The ' illustrious Scipios' 
specially indicated would be Publius Cornelius Scipio Africanus 
Major, 234-c. 183 b. c, the conqueror of Hannibal at the battle of 
Zama, 202 b.c. (cf. Inf. xxxi. 115-17 ; Par. xxvii. 61-2 ; Conv. iv. 15, 
11. 170-1 ; Mon. ii. 11, 11. 59-61) ; and his grandson by adoption, 
Publius Cornelius Scipio Aemilianus Africanus Minor, c. 185- 
129 b. c, by whom Carthage was taken and destroyed 146 b.c. 

6 I am indebted to Dr. Heberden for pointing out that the MS. 
reading of this passage (except for the blunder of quod for qui) 
stands in need of no emendation, Dante evidently having had in 
mind 2 Peter iii. 7: 'Coeli autem qui nunc sunt, et terra . . , igni 
reservati in diem iudicii '. 


pet), a si b unanimes omnes qui huiusmodi exorbitationis 
fuistis auctores, pro Sponsa Christi, pro sede Sponsae, 

180 quae Roma est, pro Italia nostra, et ut plenius dicam, 135 
pro tota civitate peregrinante c in terris \ viriliter pro- 
pugnetis d , ut de palaestra iam coepti certaminis, 2 undique 

185 ab Oceani margine circumspecta," vosmetipsos cum gloria 
offerentes, audire possitis : ' Gloria in excelsis ' 4 ; et ut 
Vasconum opprobrium, qui tam dira cupidine confla- 140 
grantes Latinorum gloriam sibi usurpare contendunt, 

190 per e saecula cuncta futura sit posteris in exemplum. 5 

a 0. qvamquam non sit quin nota cicatrixque infamis Apostolicam Sedem 
usserit ad ignem, et cui coeli et ierra sunt reservati, deturpet b MS. Sin 
c MS. peregrinate ; 0. peregrinmitium d MS. propungniatis e 

1 Heb. xi. 13. 

2 This reference to ' the contest that is already begun ' makes it 
probable that the letter was written in the early days of the 
Conclave (see above, p. 126). 

3 Moore suggests (Studies in Dante, iii. 114, n. 5) that the real 
reading here may be circvmsepta, as Dante's words seem to be an 
echo of the phrase of Orosius : ' orbem totius terrae, oceani limbo 
circumseptum ' (i. 2, § 1). 

4 Luke xix. 38. 

5 Dante may have had in mind here the words of Boniface VIII 
in the Bull of May 10, 1297, already quoted, where he says : 'sicut 
deficit fumus deficiant, et sicut fluit cera a facie ignis sic pereant 
peccatores in malo, exultent iusti in conspectu Dei et in letitia 
delectentur, habentibus virtute premium et culpa supplicium 
transiens posteris in exemplum, ex ore sedentis in trono procedente 
gladio bis acuto ' {Registres de Boniface VIII, No. 2388). By the irony 
of fate the successor of Clement V was yet another French Pope, 
John XXII, a native of Cahors, who is coupled with Clement in 
Dante's denunciation (by the mouth of St. Peter) of their avarice 
and extortions in Par. xxvii. 58-9. 



[To the Italian Cardinals Dante ofFlorence, ^c.] 

§ 1. ' How doth the city sit solitary that was full of 
people ! She is become as a widow that was great among 
the nations.' The greed aforetime of the chiefs of the 
Pharisees, which made the ancient priesthood an abomi- 
nation, not only did away the ministry of the children of 
Levi, but moreover brought siege and destruction on the 
chosen city of David. And when He, who alone is eternal, 
beheld this thing from his eternal watch-tower on high, by 
his Holy Spirit He laid his command upon the mind 
worthy of God of a man that was a prophet, and in the 
words above written, alas ! too often repeated, lamented 
over holy Jerusalem as a city undone. 

§ 2. We too who confess the same Father and Son, the 
same God and Man, yea, the same Mother and Virgin, we 
for whose sake and for whose salvation thrice was the 
question repeated concerning love and it was said : ' Peter, 
feed my sheep ', that is to say the sacred fold, Rome, to 
which, after so many triumphs and glories, Christ by 
word and deed confirmed the empire of the world, that 
Rome which the same Peter, and Paul the preacher to the 
Gentiles, by the sprinkling of their own blood consecrated 
as the Apostolic See, over her, widowed and abandoned, 
we, who come not after the woes we have to bewail, but 
now mourn in consequence of them, are, like Jeremiah, 
constrained to lament. 

§ 3. It grieves us, alas ! no less to witness the lamen- 
table plague of heresies, than that the fomenters of impiety, 
Jews, Saracens, and Gentiles, make a mock of our Sab- 
baths, and, as is said, cry out ' Where is their God ? ' 
and that perchance the renegade Powers ascribe this to 
their own wiles against the protecting Angels. And, 
more horrible still, certain readers of the stars and 
ignorant prophets declare that to be of necessity, which 
you, making ill use of your freedom of will, have preferred 
of your own choice. 

§ 4/But 3'ou, who aie as it were the centurions of the 



front rank of the Church militant, neglecting to guide the 
chariot of the Spouse of the Crucified along the .track 
which lay before you, have gone astray from the track, no 
otherwise than as the false charioteer Phaethon. And 
you, whose duty it was to enlighten the flock that follows 
you through the forest on its pilgrimage here below, have 
brought it along with yourselves to the verge of the 
precipice?y Nor do I recount examples for your imitation, 
seeing that you turn your backs, not your faces, to the 
car of the Spouse, and verily might be likened to them 
that were shown to the prophet with their backs turned 
towards the temple ; you who scorn the fire sent down 
from heaven upon the altars, which now are alight with 
strange fire ; you who sell cloves in the temple where that 
which cannot be measured by price is made merchandise 
to the hurt of them that come and go therein. But give 
heed to the scourge, give heed to the fire ; and make not\ 
light of the patience of Him who awaits your repentance. \ 
But if you doubt as to the precipice whereof I have spoken, 
what else can I answer to enlighten you but that like 
Demetrius you have consented unto Alcimus ? 

§ 5. Perchance in indignant rebuke you will ask : 'And 
who is this man who, not fearing the sudden punishment 
of Uzzah, sets himself up to protect the Ark, tottering 
though it be ?*>^erily I am one of the least of the sheep 
of the pasture of Jesus Christ ; verily I abuse no pastoral 
authority, seeing that I possess no riches. By the grace, 
therefore, not of riches, but of God, I am what I am, and 
the zeal of His house hath eaten me up. For even from 
the mouth of babes and sucklings has been heard the 
truth well pleasing to God ; and he who was born blind 
confessed the truth, which the Pharisees not only con- 
cealed, but in their malice even strove to pervert. These 
are the justification for my boldness. And besides these 
I have the authority of the Philosopher, who in his system 
of morals taught that truth is to be preferred even before 
friendship.N Nor does the presumption of Uzzah, which 
some may tnink should be laid to my charge, infect me, 
as though I had been rash in my utterance, with the 


taint of his guilt. For he gave heed to the Ark, I to the 
unruly oxen that are dragging it away into the wilderness. 
May He give succour to the Ark, who opened his eyes to 
bring salvation to the labouring ship ! 

§ 6. It seems then that I have provoked no one to 
railing ; but rather that I have kindled the blush of con- 
fusion in you and in others, chief-priests in name only (if 
so be that shame has not been wholly rooted out throughout' 
the world), since among so many who usurp the office 
of shepherd, among so many sheep who, if not driven 
away, at least are neglected and left untended in the 
pastures, one voice alone, one alone of filial piety, and 
that of a private individual, is heard at the obsequies as it 
were of Mother Church. 

§ 7. And what wonder ?^Each one has taken avarice to 
wife, even as you yourselves have done; avarice, the 
mother never of piety and righteousness, but ever of 
impiety and unrighteousness. Ah ! most loving Mother, 
Spouse of Christ, that by water and the spirit bearest sons 
unto thy shame! Not charity, not Astraea, but the 
daughters of the horseleech have become thy daughters-in- 
law. And what offspring they bear thee all save the 
Bishop of Luni bear witness. Your Gregory lies among 
the cobwebs. ; Ambrose lies forgofen in tneimpboards of 
the clergy, and Augustine along with him ; and Dionysius, 
ITamascenus, and Bede ; and they cry up instead I know 
-not what Speculum, and Innocent, and him of Ostia. And 
why not ? Those sought after God as their end and highest 
good ; these get for themselves riches and benefices^ 

§ 8. But, my Fathers, suppose not that I am a phoenix 
in the wide world. For every one is murmuring, or 
muttering, or thinking, or dreaming, what I cry aloud ; 
but they do not testify to what they have seen. Some 
there are who remain lost in wonder ; but will they for 
ever hold their peace, nor bear witness to their Maker ? 
The Lord liveth, for He who moved the tongue of 
Balaam's ass, He is the Lord also of the brutes of to-day. 

§ 9. Now am I constrained to lift up my voice : ye 
have compelled me. Be ye therefore ashamed to receive 


rebuke and admonishment from so lowly a source, and 
not from Heaven, which may pardon you. In the right 
fashion indeed are we dealt with when we are smitten on 
that side by which shame can reach our hearing as well 
as the rest of our senses, and beget in us repentance, her 
first-born, who in turn shall give birth to purpose of 

§ 10. And that a glorious patience may foster and 
maintain this purpose, it behoves you to keep before the 
eyes of your mind, according to the measure of your 
imagination, the present condition of the city of Eome, 
a sight to move the pity even of Hannibal, not to say 
others, bereft as she now is of the one and the other of 
her luminaries, and sitting solitary and widowed, as is 
written above. And this most chiefly is the concern of 
you who have known sacred Tiber as little children. Sor 
although it is the duty of all Italians to love the capital 
of Italy as the common source of their civility, yet is it 
justly held to be your part most especially to reverence it, 
since for you it is the source also of your very beingT^ 
And if at the present time misery has consumed with 
grief and confounded with shame the rest of the inhabi- 
tants of Italy, who can doubt but that you must blush 
with shame, and must grieve, who have been the cause of 
-' j so unwonted an eclipse of Eome or rather of her Sun ? 
Thou above all, Orsini, that thy colleagues who have been , 
degraded should not continue for ever stripped of their 
glory ; and they, that by the authority of the Apostolic 
Head they should resume the venerable insignia of the 
Church Militant, which, not as perchance having com- 
pleted their service, but undeservedly, they were com- 
pelled to lay down. Thou also, the adherent of the other 
Transteverine faction, in order that the wrath of the 
deceased pontiff might put forth leaves in thee, like 
a branch engrafted on a trunk not its own, as if thou 
hadst not yet put off the Carthage that was conquered of 
old, couldst thou, without the reproof of thy better judge- 
ment, prefer this purpose before the country of the 
illustrious Scipios? 



§11. There will be amendment, however (although it 
cannot-be but that the scar of infamy will disfigure with 
its mark the Apostolic See even until the fire for which 
the heavens that how are and the earth have been 
reserved), if you all, who were the authors of this devia- 
tion from the track, with one accord shall fight manfully 
for the Spouse of Christ, for the seat of the Spouse, which 
is Kome, for our Italy, and, to speak more at large, for 
the whole body politic now in pilgrimage on earth, so that 
from the wrestling-ground (surveyed on every side from 
the shores of ocean) of the contest that is already begun, 
offering yourselves with glory, you may be able to hear 
1 Glory in the highest ', and that the reproach of the 
Gascons, who, burning with abominable lust, strive to 
usurp for themselves the glory of the Itatians, may be an 
example to posterity for all ages to come. ) 




( f In literis vestris') 

To a Friend in Florence 
[May, 1315] 

MSS. — This letter, like the preceding and that to a Pistojan 
Exile (Epist. iii (iv)), has been preserved only in the Laurentian 
MS. (Cod. xxix. 8) ; like them it is in the handwriting of 
Boccaccio, by whom it was transcribed probably about the year 
1348. 1 . 

Printed Texts. 2 — 1. Gr. J. Dionisi (1790) : in Serie di Aned- 
doti (Verona, 1790; vol. v, pp. 176-7). 2. Dionisi (1806): 
(emended text) in Preparazione istorica e critica alla nuova 
edizione di Dante Allighieri (Verona, 1806; vol. i, pp. 71— 3)^ 
3. F. Cancellieri (1814) : in Osservazioni sopra VOriginalita della 
Divina Commedia di Dante (Rome, 1814 ; pp. 59-60). 4. F. De 
Romanis (1817) : in notes to Tiraboschi's Vita di Dante, in 
Divina Commedia di Dante Alighieri (Roma, 1815-17 ; vol. iv, 
pp. 46-7). s 5. Ugo Foscolo (1818) : in article on Cancellieri's 
Osservazioni, in Ediriburgh Review (Sept. 1818; pp. 350-1). 
6. Ugo Foscolo (1823) : in Essays on Petrarch (London, 1823 ; 
pp. 276-7). 7. G. Pelli (1823) : in Memorieper servire alla Vita 
di Dante (Firenze, 1823; p. 204). 8. Witte (1827) : Epist. viii 
(op. cit., pp. 65-6). 9. Fraticelli (1840) : Epist. v (op. cit., pp. 
282-6). 10. Torri (1842): Epist. xiii (op. cit., pp. 96-8). 
11. Muzzi (1845) : Epist. iii, in Tre Epistole Latine di Dante 
Allighieri restituite a piu vera lezione (Prato, 1845; pp. 23-5). 

1 See introductory note to Epist. iii (iv) (p. 19). 

2 For titles of editions referred to here as already quoted, see 
above, pp. 1 -2. 

3 For other editions of the Commedia in which the letter is 
printed, see Koch, Catalogue ofthe Cornell Dante Collection, vol. i, p. 57. 


12. Fraticelli (1857) : Epist. x (op. cit., pp. 524-6). 1 13. Giu- 
liani (1882) : Epist. ix (op. cit., pp. 32-3). 2 14. Bartoli (1884) : 
in Storia della Letteratura Italiana (vol. v, pp. 288-9). 15. Scar- 
tazzini (1890) : in Prolegomeni della Divina Commedia (pp. 133-4). 
16. Moore (1894): Epist. ix (op. cit., pp. 413-14). 17. Della 
Torre (1905) : (diplomatic transcript of the MS. text) in Bullet- 
tino della Societa Dantesca Italiana (N.S. xii. 122-3). 18. Pas- 
serini(1910): Epist. ix (op. cit., pp. 96-100). 19. PagetToynbee 
(1916) : (diplomatic transcript of the MS. text, together with 
collations of the various readings of the printed editions of the 
letter, and a list of proposed emendations in the Oxford text) in 
Modern Language Review (vol. xi, pp. 62-6). 20. Paget Toynbee 
(1916) : (emended text) in Modem Language Review (vol. xi, 
pp. 66-7). 21. E. Pistelli (1915): (revised text, with notes) in 
Piccola Antologia della Bibbia Volgata . . . con alcune Epistole di 
2>awte...(Firenze,1915; pp. 219-21). 22. [DellaTorre] (1917): 
Epist. xvi (op. cit., pp. 282-4). 

Translations. 3 — Iialian. 1 . Dionisi (1790) : op. cit., pp. 177- 
8. 2. Dionisi (1806) : (revised trans.) op. cit., pp. 73-5. 3. C. 
Ugoni (1825) : in Saggi sopra il Petrarca (translation of Foscolo's 
Essays on Petrarch) (Firenze, 1825 ; pp. 184-6). 4. Balbo 
(1839): op. cit., pp. 386-7. 5. Fraticelli (1840): op. cit, pp. 
283-7. 6. Ugoni (1842): (revised trans.) in Torri, op. cit., 
pp. 97-9. 7. Muzzi (1845): op. cit., pp. 34-5. 8. Fraticelli 
(1857) : (revised trans.) op. cit., pp. 525-7. 9. Giuliani (1882) : 
(§§ 2-4 only) op. cit., p. 167. 10. N. Zingarelli (1903) : in 
Dante (Milano, 1903 ; pp. 298-9). 11. Passerini (1910) : op. cit., 
pp. 97-101. 12. Scherillo (1918): (extracts) op. cit., vol. i, 
p. 182. — English. 1. Ugo Foscolo (1818) : in Edinburgh Review 

1 The principal divergences of Fraticelli's text from that of the 
MS. were registered by Zenatti, in Dante e Firenze (p. 532). 

2 The divergences of Giuliani's text from that of the MS. were 
registered by G. Mazzoni, in the Bullettino della Socieia Dantesca 
Italiana, N.S. v. 98, n. 1. 

3 For titles of editions referred to here as already quoted, see 
above, and p. 2. 


(Sept. 1818; p. 350). 2. Foscolo (1823): (revised trans.) in 
Essays on Petrarch, pp. 202-3. 1 3. J. Montgomery (1835) : 
(§§ 3-4) in Life of Dante, in Lardner's Cabinet Cyclopaedia 
(Biographtj) (London, 1835; vol. i, p. 31). 4. I. C. Wright 
(1845) : (§§ 3-4) in Memoir of Dante, in translation of the 
Divina Commedia (London, 1845 ; vol. i, pp. xiii-xiv). 5. F. J. 
Bunbury (1852) : in Life and Times of Dante Alighieri (London, 
1852 ; vol. ii, pp. 215-17). 6. R. de Vericour (1858) : in Life 
and Times of Dante (London, 1858; pp. 182-4). 7. Anonymous 
(1858): in Eclectic Review (Dec. 1858 ; vol. iv, N. S., pp. 496-7). 
8. J. R. Lowell (1859): (§§ 3-4) in article on Dante in Appleton's 
New American Cyclopaedia, reprinted in Fifth Annual Report of 
the Cambridge (U.S.A.) Dante Society, 1886, p. 22. 9. V. Botta 
(1865) : in Dante as a Philosopher, Patriot and Poet (New York, 
1865; London, 1887; pp. 106-7). 10. M. F. Rossetti (1871) 2 : 
(§§ 3-4) in A Shadow of Dante (London, 1871 ; ed. 1872, p. 29). 
11. M. Creighton (1873) : (§§ 3-4) in Macmillarfs Magazine, vol. 
xxix (1873), reprinted in Historical Essays and Revieivs (London, 
1902; p. 21). 12. M. Oliphant (1876): (§§ 3-4) in Makers of 
Florence (London, 1876; ed. 1885, pp. 88-9). 13. Latham 
(1891): op. cit., pp. 184-6. 14. Wicksteed (1898): in A Pro- 
insional Translation of Dante's Political Letters (pp. 29-30). 
15. J. F. Hogan (1899): (§§ 3-4) in Life and Works of Dante 
Allighieri (London, 1899 ; p. 49). 16. Wicksteed (1904) : (re- 
vised trans.) in Translation of the Latin WorTcs of Dante Alighieri 
(pp. 340-1). 17. Paget Toynbee (1916) : in Modern Language 
Revieiv, vol. xi, pp. 67-8 (see helow, pp. 158-9). — German. 1. 
Kannegiesser (1845) : op. cit., pp. 208-9. 2. Scartazzini (1879) : 
in Dante Alighieri, seine Zeit, sein Leben und seine Werke 
(pp. 419-20). 3. Wegele (1879) : in Dante AlighierVs Leben 
und Werke (pp. 275-6). — French. Comtesse Horace de Choiseul 
(1911): (§§ 2-4) in Dante: Le Purgatoire (Paris, 1911 ; pp. vi- 

1 For reprints of Foscolo's translation, see Koch, op. cit., p. 75. 

2 D. G. Kossetti embodied a poetical paraphrase of §§ 3-4 of the 
letter in his poem Dante at Verona (in Poems, ed. 1870, pp. 100-1). 


Authenticity. — The authenticity of this letter, which was 
regarded at one time, if not as an undoubtedTorgery, at any rate 
with grave suspicion, 1 is now generally accepted. 2 The letter was 
utilized by Boccaccio in his Vita di Dante (which was written 
about the year 1357, some nine years after he had transcribed 
the letter in the MS.mentioned above 3 ), in the chapter headed 
Qualita e Difetti di Dante : 

' Fu il nostro poeta, oltra alle cose predette, di animo alto e 
disdegnoso molto ; tanto che cercandosi per alcuno suo amico il 
quale a istanza de' suoi prieghi il faceva, ch' egli potesse ritor- 
nare in Firenze (il che egli oltre ad ogni altra cosa sommamente 
desiderava) ne trovandosi a cio alcun modo con coloro li quali 
il governo della republica allora aveano nelle mani, se non' uno, 
il quale era questo, che egli per certo spazio stesse in prigione, 
e dopo quello in alcuna solennita publica fosse misericordie- 
volemente alla nostra principale chiesa offerto, e per conseguente 
libero e fuori d' ogni condennagione per adrieto fatta di lui ; la 
qual cosa parendogli convenirsi e usarsi in qualunche e depressi 
e non infami uomini e non in altri, perche oltre al suo maggiore 
desiderio, preelesse di stare in esilio, anzi che per cotal via 
tornare in casa sua. isdegno laudevole di magnanimo, quan- 
to virilmente operasti riprimendo V ardente disio del ritornare 
per via meno che degna a uomo nel grembo della filcsofia 
notricato ! ' * 

1 For instance, Scaitazzini in his Prolegomeni della Divina Commedia 
describes it as ' veementemente sospetta ' (p. 138). For a refuta- 
tion of Scartazzini's arguments, see Mazzoni, in Bidl. Soc. Dant. Ital, 
N.S. v. 98-100; Torraca, Nuove Rassegne, pp. 263-9; and especially 
the exhaustive article of Della Torre, in Butl. Soc. Dant. Ital., N.S. 
xii. 121 ff. 

8 See Barbi, in Bull. Soc. Dant. Ital., N.S. xi. 29. 3 See p. 19. 

4 Ed. Macri-Leone, § 12. In the so-called Compendio, which 
Barbi has proved to be a revised version bf the Vita, due to 
Boccaccio himself (see his article in Studii su Giovanni Boccaccio, 
Castelfiorentino, 1913, pp. 101-41), the account is much briefer : 
1 Fu adunque il nostro Poeta, oltre alle cose di sopra dette, d' animo 
altiero e disdegnoso molto, tanto che cercandosi per alcuno amico 
come egli potesse in Firenze tornare, ne altro modo trovandosi, se 
non che egli per alcuno spazio di tempo stato in prigione, fosse 
misericordievolmente offerto a San Giovanni, fu per lui a cio, ogni 
fervente disio del ritornare calcato, risposto, che Iddio togliesse 


Date. — The date of the letter is fixed approximately by 
Dante's reference to his having been in exile for nearly fifteen 
years (' per trilustrium fere perpessus exilium ', 1. 29). The first 
sentence of banishment issued by Cante de' Gabrielli, the then 
Podesta, was dated Jan. 27, 1302 ; and the second was on 
March 10 of the same year ; so that the terminus ad quem would 
be the beginning of 1317. Until recently it was supposed that 
the amnesty referred to in the letter was that of June 2, 1316. 
But it has been shown by Barbi that all the exiles condemned 
by Cante de' Gabrielli were expressly excluded from this am- 
nesty, Dante consequently among them. 1 The amnesties of 
Sept. 3 and Dec. 11, 1316, are equally out of the question, in 
that they were not general amnesties, but only extended to 
certain specified persons, among whom Dante was not included. 2 
It is concluded, therefore, that the amnesty in question in the 
letter is that of May 19, 1315, in the terms of which Dante 
would be implicitly included. 3 The letter, then, was probably 
written towards the end of May, 1315. 4 

Addressee. — It appears from 11. 13-14 of the letter that 
Dante and his correspondent were relatives, as they had 
a nephew in common ; further, from the fact that Dante twice 
addresses him as 'Pater' (11. 22, 41), and speaks of having 
received his letter 'with due reverence' (11. 1-2), it has been 

via, che alcuno che nel seno della filosofia allevato e cresciuto fosse, 
divenisse candelotto del suo comune ' (ed. Rostagno, § 22). 

1 See Bull. Soc. Dant. Ital., N.S. ii. 16-17, where the terms of the 
1 ribandimento ' of June 2, 1316, are quoted, among those excluded 
being ' omnes et singuli qui quacumque de causa per dominum 
Cantem de Gabriellibus de Eugubio, olim potestatem Florentie, vel 
eius vicarium, fuerunt condempnati et exbanniti seu condempnati 
tantum aut exbanniti infra tempus infrascriptum, videlicet a 
kallendis novembris sub anno Domini millesimo trecentesimo 
primo usque ad kallendas Iulii tunc subsequentis sub anno Domini 
millesimo trecentesimo secundo '. 

2 See Barbi, loc. cit, p. 17. 

3 See Barbi, in Bull. Soc. Dant. Ital., N.S. xi. 26 ff. 

4 See Della Torre, in Bull. Soc. Dant. Ital., N.S. xii. 150 ff. 


concluded that the addressee was a priest. These considerations 
have led to the conjectural identification of the addressee with 
a brother-in-law of Dante, namely Teruccio di Manetto Donati, 1 
a brother of Gemma, Dante's wife, who was a member of 
a religious order and a bachelor of divinity. Their common 
nephew in that case would be Niccolo Donati, son of Foresino 
(or Forese) di Manetto Donati, another brother of Gemma's. 2 

Summary. — § 1. Dante acknowledges receipt of his corre- 
spondenfs letter, and expresses his gratitude for the interest 
he has shown in his recall from exile ; and he begs that his 
reply may not be hastily judged. § 2. He understands from 
letters received from a common nephew and from other friends 
that he will be allowed to return to Florence on certain 
degrading conditions. §3. Is this then the gracious recall 
that he, an innocent man, was to look for after all these years 
of exile ? Far be it from him to accept such terms ! § 4. If he 
may return to Florence on honourable conditions, well and 
good— if not, then he will never return. Assuredly he will find 
means to pursue his studies and win his bread elsewhere, with- 
out being obliged to render himself an object of contempt in 
the eyes of his fellow-citizens ! 

[Amico Florentmo.f' 

§ 1. In literis vestris, et reverentia debita et affectione 

receptis, quam repatriatio mea curae sit vobis et b animo, 

5 grata mente ac diligenti animadversione c concepi ; et 

inde tanto me districtius obligastis, quanto rarius exules 

invenire amicos contingit. Ad illarum vero significata 5 

MS. = Cod. Laurent. xxix. 8 0. = Oxford Dante 

a There is no title in MS. ; 0. prints title without brackets 
b 0. ex c MS. animauersione 

1 See Imbriani, Studi Danteschi, p. 410. 

2 See Della Torre, in Bull. Soc. Dant. Ital., N.S. xii. 157-60 ; and 
Imbriani, op. cit, p. 410, n. 4. 


responsio, etsi non erit a qualem h forsan pusillanimitas 
10 appeteret aliquorum, ut sub examine vestri consilii ante 
iudicium ventiletur, affectuose deposco. 

§ 2. Ecce igitur quod per literas vestri meique nepotis, 1 

15 nec non aliorum quamplurium amicorum, significatum 10 

est mihi per ordinamentum nuper factum Florentiae super 

absolutione bannitorum 2 : quod si solvere vellem certam 

pecuniae quantitatem, 3 vellemque pati notam oblationis, 4 

a MS. erat b 0. Ad illarum vero significata respondeo ; et si responsio 
non erit qualiter 

1 This nephew, as stated above in the introductory note, was 
perhaps Niccolo di Foresino di Manetto Donati, the son of a brother 
of Dante's wife Gemma. He was an adult at this time, for he 
took part in the battle of Montecatini (Aug. 29, 1315) ; he is known 
to have been in intimate relations with Dante's fariiily, and there 
is reason to believe that his aunt Gemma, Dante's widow, died in 
his house (see Della Torre, Bull. Soc. Bant. Ital, N.S. xii. 158-9). 

2 That is, the amnesty of May 19, 1315 (see note on date above). 
5 On the probable amount of this fine, see Bull. Soc. Bant. Ital, 

N.S. xi. 26, and xii. 154-5. 

4 The oblatio (or 'offering') was a ceremony which had to be 
performed by malefactors, or political offenders after condemna- 
tion, as a condition of pardon. If a malefactor, he was conducted 
from the prison where he had been confined, clothed in sack-cloth, 
with a mitre on his head, and a candle in his hand, to the 
Baptistery of San Giovanni, where he was solemnly offered by 
an approved sponsor at the altar to God and to the Baptist. An 
individual who had been condemned for a political offence, if not 
actually a prisoner, was obliged to constitute himself one technically 
by crossing the threshold of a prison, whence he was conducted to 
the Baptistery ; but the wearing a mitre and other degrading 
conditions were usually dispensed with in such a case. Cf. the 
following extract from the Prowisione of June 2, 1316: 'possint 
eisque liceat intrari in carceribus Stincharum seu Vollognani aut 
in quocumque alio carcere dicti Comunis Florentie, et postquam 
fuerint in claustro seu intra muros circumdantes aliquem ipsorum 
carcerum, non obstante eo quod ipsi non scribantur per notarium 


et absolvi 1 possem et redire ad praesens. In qua a ' 2 
quidem duo 3 ridenda et male praeconsiliata sunt, Pater 4 ; 15 
dico male praeconsiliata per illos qui talia expresserunt, 

a 0. quo 

qui scribere debet carceratos qui in dictis carceribus consignantur ; 
et post modum ad voluntatem et beneplacitum eorum et cuiuslibet 
eorum exire possint seu extrahantur relaxentur et liberentur per 
superstites aut illum vel illos qui ad custodiam ipsorum carcerum 
seu alicuius eorum quomodolibet deputati essent licite et impune 
et sine aliquo eorum preiudicio et gravamine de carceribus et 
a carceribus antedictis ; et subsequenter a loco ipsorum carcerum 
usque ad ecclesiam beati Iohannis ducantur, seu ire possint, absque 
aliqua mitera seu miteris in capite vel aliter quomodocumque 
habendis et defferendis ; ibidemque apud altare ipsius ecclesie 
beati Iohannis per quamcumque personam seu personas eisdem 
vel alicui eorum placuerit Deo et beato Iohanni pro Comuni 
Florentie offerantur et offerri possint et debeant, et per modum 
et viam oblationis eximantur relaxentur liberentur et absolvantur' 
(quoted by Barbi, in Bull. Soc. Dant. Ital., N.S. xi. 29 n.) — see also 
Zenatti, Dante e Firenze, pp. 509, n. 1, 512-14 ; and Consulte Fiorentine 
for March 22, 1289, and April 3, 1292 (ed. Gherardi, vol. i, p. 386 ; 
vol. ii, p. 175). The mitre appears to have been of paper, and to 
have had the name of the delinquent and his crime inscribed upon 
it. Du Cange (s. v. mitra) quotes the following from the statutes of 
the city of Mantua : ' Falsum committens . . . mitretur cum mitra 
papiri, in qua sit scriptum nomen et praenomen ipsius mitrati, et 
cognomen et agnomen, et causa qua sit mitratus, et per totam 
civitatem Mantuae ducatur per loca publica dictae civitatis . . . ' 

1 The technical word — see the Prowisione of June 2, 1316, quoted 
inthe previous note (ad fin.) : 'per modum et viam oblationis 
eximantur relaxentur liberentur et absolvantur* ; cf. also the 
Provvisione of Sept. 28, 1300, quoted by Zenatti (op. cit., p. 510 n.), 
and that of Feb. 10, 1309 (relating to the father of Petrarca) : 
'eximatur liberetur et absolvatur, et eximi liberari et absolvi 
possit et debeat per viam et modum oblationis ' (op. cit., p. 513). 

3 That is, l absolutione bannitorum ', as Della Torre observes. 

3 That is, the payment of a fine, and the presentation at the 
oblatio, as appears from 11. 32 9. 

4 See introductory note on the addressee of the letter. 


25 nam vestrae literae discretius et consultius clausulatae 
nihil de talibus continebant. 

§ 3. Estne ista revocatio gratiosa* 1 , qua Dantes 
Alagherii b revocatur ad patriam, per trilustrium fere 20 

30 perpessus exilium ? 2 Hocne meruit innocentia mani- 
festa quibuslibet? Hoc sudor et labor continuatus in 
studio ? Absit a viro philosophiae domestico temeraria 
tantum c 3 cordis humilitas, ut more cuiusdam Cioli 4 et 

a O. gloriosa b MS. allagherii ; 0. Aligherius c 0. terreni 

1 The MS. reading grosa can only stand for gratiosa ; not for 
gloriosa (with Dionisi, &c, followed by 0.), which would be glosa 
in MS. ; nor for generosa (with Muzzi and Della Torre), which 
would be gnosa. (See my note on A misreading in Dante's Letter to 
a Friend in Florence, in Bull. Soc. Dant. Ital, N.S. xx, pp. 58-9.) 

2 This reference approximately fixes the date of the letter, 
Dante having been sentenced at the beginning of 1302 (see intro- 
ductory note on date). 

3 The MS. reading is in a sense indeterniinate, as it may stand 
for either tm, or tni, or tin. The last is out of the question here. 
The second, in order to represent terreni (the reading of Dionisi, &c, 
followed by 0.), should have a loop after the t, which, however, 
might have been accidentally omitted by the scribe. The normal 
solution of tm is tantum, which word seems to be required by the 
construction as the correlative of the ut of 1. 34. For tantum in the 
sense of tam, see note on Epist. viii. 158. 

4 This 'Ciolus' has been identified with Ciolo degli Abati, who 
was condemned in 1291, and presented at the oblatio in or before 
1295. This same Ciolo, alone of his house, was expressly excepted 
by name (f omnes de domo de Abbatibus, excepto Ciolo ') from the 
decree of Sept. 2, 1311, known as the 'Riforma di messer Baldo 
d' Aguglione ', issued against the contumacious exiles, of whom 
Dante was one. He is known to have been alive in July, 1313, 
two years before the presumed date of this letter. His misdeeds 
appear to have become proverbial in Florence. (See Della Torre, 
ia Bull. Soc. Dant. ItaL, N.S. xii. 162-72 ; and Del Lungo, DelV Esilio 
di Dante, p. 137 ; and Dino Compagni e la sua Cronica, iii. 289, n. 24.) 


35 aliorum infamium, quasi vinctus a l ipse se patiatur 25 
offerri ! 2 Absit a viro praedicante iustitiam ut perpessus 
iniurias, iniuriam inferentibus, velut benemerentibus, 
pecuniam suam solvat ! 

40 § 4. Non est haec via redeundi ad patriam, Pater mi ; 
sed si alia per vos antecedenter b 3 , deinde per alios in- 30 
venitur, quae famae Dantisque honori non deroget, 

a MS., 0. victus b MS. autem; O. aut c 0. Dantis atque 

1 The MS. reading victus may not improbably, by the accidental 
omission of the stroke over the i (representing n), be a copyistfs 
error ibr vinctus, the sense of which ('like a prisoner in bonds') is 
much more appropriate to the context than that of victus (which 
would imply rather a prisoner of war) ; the point being that the 
person who was presented at the oblatio, as a preliminary to being 
pardoned, was either actually or technically a prisoner (see note on 
oblatio, p. 154, n. 4). 

2 This again, like absolvi in 1. 21, is the technical word ; cf. the 
extract from the Provvisione of June 2, 1316, quoted in note on 
oblatio : l Deo et beato Iohanni pro Comuni Florentie offerantur 
et offerri possint et debeant ' ; and that of Feb. 10, 1309, quoted by 
Zenatti (op. cit., p. 514) : ' Deo et B. Iohanni pro Com. Florent. 
offeratur et offerri possit et debeat '. 

* The MS. reading is aut, with a stroke over it, which is the 
normal abbreviation of autem ; but as autem cannot possibly be 
the correct reading, the early editors one and all substituted aut. 
As u and n are almost indistinguishable in MSS., Della Torre 
proposes to read ante, which is adopted in the text by Passerini 
and Pistelli ; but the recognized abbreviation of ante is an (with 
a stroke over the n), and it is so written in this MS. where the 
word occurs at the beginning of the letter (1. 11, * ante iudicium '). 
On the other hand, it has been pointed out by Eostagno that ant 
with a loop over the t is the regular abbreviation of antecedenter. 
As this word suits the sense, and its adoption involves only a very 
slight departure from the MS. reading, antecedenter seems preferable 
to ante. One or other of these would appear to be required as the 
correlative to the following deinde. (See BuU. Soc. Bant. Ital., N.S. 
xii. 125 n.) 


45 illam non lentis passibus acceptabo. Quod si per nullam 
talem Florentia introitur, nunquam Florentiam introibo. 
Quidni ? nonne a solis astrorumque specula ubique con- 
spiciam ? Nonne dulcissimas veritates potero speculari 35 

50 ubique sub coelo, niprius inglorium, immo ignominiosum, 
populo Florentino, civitati b me reddam ? Quippe nec 
panis deficiet. 

* MS. non b 0. populo Florentinaeque civitati 

[To a Friend in Florence.] 

§ 1. From your letter, which I received with due respect 
and affection, and have diligently studied, I learn with 
gratitude how my recall to Florence has been the object 
of your care and concern ; and I am the more beholden 
to you therefor, inasmuch as it rarely happens that an 
exile finds friends. My reply to what you have written, 
although perchance it be not of such tenour as certain 
faint hearts would desire, I earnestly beg may be carefully 
examined and considered by you before judgement be 
passed upon it. 

§ 2. I gather, then, from the letter of your nephew and 
mine, as well as from those of sundry other friends, that, 
by the terms of a decree lately promulgated in Florence 
touching the pardon of the exiles, I may receive pardon, 
and be permitted to return forthwith, on condition that 
jl pay a certain sum of money, and submit to the stigma 
pf the oblation — two propositions, my Father, which in 
pooth are as ridiculous as they are ill-advised — ill-advised, 
Ithat is to say, on the part of those who have com- 
municated them, for in your letter, which was more 
discreetly and cautiously formulated, no hint of such 
conditions was conveyed. 

§ 3. This, then, is the gracious recall of Dante Alighieri 

jfb his native city, after the miseries of well-nigh fifteen 

\fcears of exile ! This is the reward of innocence manifest 


to all the world, and of the sweat and toil of unremitting 
study ! Far be from a familiar of philosophy such a sense- 
less act of abasement as to submit himself to be presented 
at the oblation, like a felon in bonds, as one Ciolo and 
other infamous wretches have done ! Far be it from the 
preacher of justice, after suffering wrong, to pay of his 
money to those that wronged him, as though they had 
d«seryed well of him ! 

^h*C No ! my father, not by this path will I return to 
my native city. If some other can be found, in the first 
place by yourself and thereafter by others, which does not 
derogate fiom the fame and honour of Dante, that will 
I tread with no lagging steps. But if by no such path 
Florence may be entered, then will I enter Florence never. 
What ! can I not any where gaze upon the face of the sun 
and the stars ? can I not under any sky contemplate the 
most precious truths, without I first return to Florence, 
disgraced, nay dishonoured, in the eyes of my fellow- 
citizens ? Assuredly bread will not fail me !V 



( e Inclyta vestrae Magnificentiae laus') 
To Can Grande della Scala 

[c. 1319] 

MSS.— This letter has been preserved, in whole or in part, in 
six MS. texts, two of Cent. xv, which contain the first four 
sections only (that is, the strictly epistolary portion) of the 
letter, namely, Cod. Ambrosiano C. 145. Inf. at Milan (A.), and 
Cod. Lat. 78 at Munich (M.) * ; and four of Cent. xvi, three of 
which contain the whole letter, namely, Cod. Mediceo (forming 
part of the Carie Strozziane) in the Archivio di Stato at Florence 
(Me.), Cod. Magliabechiano vi. 164 at Florence (M. 1 ), and Cod. 
314 in the Capitular Library at Verona (V.), while the fourth 
(M. 2 ), which is preserved in the same Cod. Magliabechiano which 
contains the complete text, is incomplete, sections 4-6, and 
28-32 inclusive, being wanting. 2 

1 The preamble (' Praefari aliqua '), which is prefixed to the 
letter in the other four MSS., is also wanting in these two MSS. 
(see Introduction (p. xli-ii). 

2 For the above account of the MSS. containing the letter I am 
indebted to the exhaustive article of G. Boffito published in 1907 
in the Transactions of the Eeale Accademia delle Scienze of Turin 
{V Epistola di Dante Alighieri a Cangrande della Scala : Saggio d' Edizione 
critica e di commento, p. 2). Owing to the fact that, in spite of 
repeated efforts on his own and on my behalf by the late Dr. Moore, 
it proved impossible to procure photographic reproductions of these 
MSS., I have been unable to make diplomatic transcripts of the 
MS. texts as in the case of previous letters, and have been obliged 
to rely upon the collations of the MSS. printed by Boffito in the 
above-mentioned article. A tentative sketch of the relationship 
of the six MSS. was published by Vincenzo Biagi in a review (to 
which I am much indebted) of Boffito's article in Bullettino della 
Societa Dantesca Italiana, NS. xvi. 21-37 (1909). In this scheme 


Printed Texts. 1 — 1. G. Baruffaldi (1700)'': in La Galleria 
di Minerva (Venezia, 1700; vol. iii, pp. 220-8). 2. G. Berno 
(1749) : in La Divina Commedia di Dante Alighieri (Verona, 
1749 ; vol. i, pp. xxv-xxxviii). 3. A. Zatta (1758) : in Le Opere 
di Dante con varie Annotazioni (Venezia, 1757-8 ; vol. iv, pp. 
400-8). 4. A. Zatta (1760) : in Le Opere di Dante con varie An- 
notazioni (Venezia, 1760 ; vol. v, pp. 469-80). 5. Witte (1827) : 
Epist. ix, in Dantis Alligherii Epistolae qnae exstant (pp. 73-102). 
6. Fraticelli (1840) : Epist. vi (op. cit, pp. 300-66). 7. Torri 
(1842) : Epist. xiv (op. cit., pp. 108-40). 8. Witte (1855) : (§§ 1- 
4 only, from the Munich MS.), in Observationes de Dantis 
Epistola nuncupatoria ad Canem Grandem de Scala 3 (Halle, 
1855) ; reprinted in Dante-Forschungen (Heilbronn, 1869 ; vol. 
i, pp. 500-7). 9. Fraticelli (1857) : Epist. xi (op. cit., pp. 532- 
62). 10. Giuliani (1861): in Metodo di commentare la Commedia 
di Dante Allighieri (Firenze, 1861; pp. 14-40). 11. Giuliani 

(p. 22) the two Cent. xv MSS. (A. and M.) fall into one group (a\ 
and the four Cent. xvi MSS. (V., Me., M. 1 , M. 2 ) into another (b), 
probably somewhat as under : 



a b 

(Cent. xv) (Cent. xvi) 


A. M. V. * 



M. 1 M. 2 

1 For titles of editions referred to here as already quotecl, see 
above, pp. 1-2. 

2 Sundry extracts from the letter had been quoted, and in some 
cases printed, at an earlier date ; see Introduction, pp. xxxvi-xl, and 
Boffito, op. cit., p. 8. 

3 Printed in honour of L. G. Blanc. 

2165 M 


(1882) : Epist. x, in Le Opere Latine di Dante Allighieri (vol. ii, 
pp. 34-64). 12. Scartazzini (1890) : in Prolegomeni della Divina 
Commedia (pp. 386-98). 1 13. Fraticelli (1893) : Epist. xi (op. 
cit., pp. 508-36). 2 14. Moore (1894) : Epist. x (op. cit., pp. 414- 
20). 15. Moore (1904) : Epist. x (op. cit., pp. 414-20). 3 16. 
G. Boffito (1907) : in Memorie della Reale Accademia delle Scienze 
di Torino (Torino, 1907 ; Serie ii, Tom. lvii, pp. 11-13, 17-20, 
28-33). 17. Passerini (1910) : Epist. x (op. cit., pp. 102-52). 4 
18. [Della Torre] (1917) : Epist. xvii (op. cit., pp. 285-308). 5 19. 
Paget Toynbee (1919) : (emended text, with collations of the 
various readings of the MSS. and of the printed editions of the 
letter, and list of proposed emendations in the Oxford text) in 
Modem Language Revieiv (vol. xiv, pp. 278-302). 

Translations. 6 — itaftaw. 1. Fraticelli (1840) : op. cit., pp. 
301-67. 2. M. Misserini (1842): in Torri, op. cit., pp. 109-41. 
3. Fraticelli (1857): (revised trans.) op. cit, pp. 533-63. 4. 
Giuliani (1861) : in Metodo di commentare la Commedia di Dante 
Allighisri (pp. 15-41). 5. Giuliani (1882) : (revised trans.) in 
Le Opere Latine di Dante Allighieri (vol. ii, pp. 35-65). 6. Pas- 
serini (1910) : op. cit., pp. 103-53. — German. 1. Kannegiesser 
(1845) : op. cit., pp. 210-26. 2. Scartazzini (1879) : (extracts) 
in Dante Alighieri, seine Zeit, sein Leben und seine Werke 
(pp. 429-30).— English. 1. K. Hillard (1889) : in The Banquet 
of Dante Alighieri (London, 1889 ; pp. 390-406). 2. Latham 
(1891): op. cit., pp. 187-216. 3. Wicksteed (1904): op. cit., 
pp. 343-62. 4. Paget Toynbee (see lelow, pp. 195-211).— French. 
Comtesse Horace de Choiseul (1915): (extracts) inDante: Le 
Paradis (Paris, 1915 ; pp. x, xi, xiv, 2, 3, 408). 

1 This text, which follows that of Fraticelli, is disfigured by 
a number of misprints. 

2 A revised issue of the text of 1857. 

3 An emended text. 

4 This text is disfigured by more than a dozen misprints. 

5 There are fifteen misprints in this text. 

6 For titles of editions referred to here as already quoted, see 


Authenticity. — Dante's authorship of this letter has been 
vehementlycontested^but since the publication of Dr. Moore's 
exhaustive article on the subject in the third series of his 
Studies in Dante, 2 its authenticity may be regarded as definitely 
established. The letter was known to and quoted by several of 
the early commentators on the Commedia* among others to 
Guido da Pisa and Jacopo della Lana, both of whose commen- 
taries were written within a few years of Dante's death. 4 

Date. — In the absence of detailed information with regard 
to the last few years of Dante's life, it is difhcult to assign 
a precise date to the letter. From the epithet ' victoriosissimus ' 
applied to Can Grande in the title, it is obvious that it must 
have been written before Aug. 25, 1320, the date of Can 
Grande's disastrous defeat before Padua; on the other hand 
this epithet would be appropriate in or shortly after 1318, in 
which year (April) Can Grande took Cremona, and was elected 
(Dec.) Captain General of the Ghibelline League in Lombardy. 
The most probable date seems to be 1319 (Dante being then the 
guest of Guido da Polenta at Ravenna), at which time, as we 
know from Eclogue i, though the Paradiso was not yet finished 
(11. 48-50), 6 ten cantos were completed (1. 64). 6 

Summary. — 1. (Epistolanj, §§ 1-4) 7 : § 1. In order to satisfy 
himself as to the truth of the reports of Can Grande's fame Dante 

1 See, for instance, the article of D'Ovidio in his Studii sulla 
Divina Commedia (pp. 448 ff.). 

2 ' The genuineness of the Dedicatory Epistle to Can Grande ' 
(pp. 284 ff.). 

3 See Introduction, p. xvii, and the extracts from fourteenth- 
century commentators printed by Boffito at the end of his article. 

4 That of Guido da Pisa was written probably c. 1324 ; that 
of Jacopo della Lana c. 1326. 

5 ' Quum mundi circumflua corpora cantu 
Astricolaeque meo, velut infera regna, patebunt, 
Devincire caput hedera lauroque iuvabit.' 

6 ' Hac implebo decem missurus vascula Mopso.' 

7 See Moore, Studies in Dante, iii. 286. 



visited Verona, where he found that the reports in fact fell short 
of the truth ; previously well disposed towards Can Grande by 
inclination, he now, after witnessing his splendour, and par- 
taking of his bounty, professes himself his devoted servant and 
friend. § 2. Having defended himself against a possible charge 
of presumption in declaring himself Can Grande's friend ; 
§ 3. he explains how he had cast about to find some gift worthy 
of Can Grandes acceptance, and how he finally decided to offer 
to him the last Cantica of his Commedia, the Paradiso, which 
he herewith dedicates to him. § 4. He realizes that in so doing 
he may be thought to be conferring more honour on the 
xecipient than on t he^gift ; but now having said what he had to 
say in epistolary form, he will assume the office of commen- 
tator, and proceed to the task of furnishing an introduction to 
the poem. 

2. (Doctrinal, §§ 5-16) * : § 5. Of the difference between abso- 
lute and relative terms ; and of the relation, inter alia, of the 
part to the whole. § 6. Before the part can be explained, some 
knowledge must be conveyed of the poem as a whole ; six points 
to be considered, viz. the subject, the author, the form, the aim, 
the title, and the branch of philosophy to which the work 
belongs ; in respect of three of which, viz. subject, form, and 
title, the part differs from the whole. § 7. The work to be 
interpreted in more senses than one, the meaning thronghout 
being firstly literal, and secondly allegorical or mystical. Illus- 
tration from Psalm cxiii. 1 (' In exitu Israel de Aegypto ') of 
literal, allegorical, moral, and anagogical (or spiritual) meaning. 
§ 8. Explanation of the subject of the poem, first in the literal, 
then in the allegorical sense. § 9. The form of the poem two- 
fold, viz. the form of the treatise and the form of the treat- 
ment ; the former of which is shown to be threefold, and the 
latter tenfold. § 10. Explanation of the title of the poem, 
Commedia ; of the origin and meaning of the words comoedia 
and tragoedia, and of the difference between them. §11. Ex- 
planation of the subject of the Paradiso, in the literal and 

1 See Moore, Studies in Dante, iii. 286. 


allegorical senses. §§ 12, 13. Wherein its form and title differ 
from that of the whole poem. §§ 14, 15, 16. Of the author, the 
aim, and the classification of the Paradiso. 

3. (Expository, §§ 17-33) x : §17. The Paradiso divided into 
two main parts, viz. the prologue, and the subject proper. 
§ 18. As to the prologue, and its division into two parts. 
§ 19. The three conditions of a good rhetorical exordium, as 
laid down by Cicero, fulfilled in the announcement of the sub- 
ject of the Paradiso. §§ 20-3. The truth of the statement in 
the first terzina of the first canto proved by reason, and by 
authority. §§24-7. Discussion and explanation of the term 
' empyrean ' ; justification of its application in the present case. 
§§28,29. Of experiences transcending human understanding 
and beyond the power of human speech. § 30. Of the subject 
proper of the Paradiso. § 31. Of the second part of the prologue, 
and its two sub-divisions. § 32. Further discussion of the pro- 
logue postponed for the present owing to the pressure of family 
affairs. § 33. For which reason also no more can be said now 
as to the explanation of the main subject, save that it is intended 
to include the ascent from heaven to heaven, until at last the 
presence is reached of God Himself, the Beginning and the End. 

Magnifico atque victoriosissimo a 2 Domino, Domino Kani 
■ Grandi de la Scala, h 3 sacratissimi et Caesarei c princi- 

A. = Cod. Ambrosiano C. 145. Inf (Milan) M. -- Cod. Lat. 78 {Munich) 
Me. = Cod. Mediceo {Florence) V. = Cod. S14 {Verona) M. 1 = Cod. 
Magliabechiano vi. 164. A {Florence) M. 2 = Cod. Magliabechiano vi. 164. B 
0. = Oxforcl Bante (O. 1 - ed. 1894 ; O. 2 = ed. 1897 ; O. 3 = ed. 1904) 

a M.M.^M.^Me.V.O. victorioso b M. J M. 2 V.O. de Scala c M.^M.^V. 
s. et sereni ; 0. s. Caesarei 

1 See Moore, Studies in Bante, iii. 286. 

2 The superlative, which is the reading of A., is more in keeping 
with Dante's style and rhythm than victorioso ; cf. the titles oiEpist. 
i, vii, and of the three Battifolie letters {Epist. vii*, vii**, vii***). 

3 ' De la Scaia ' appears to have been the regular Latin form of 
the Scaliger surname ; it is the form used by the author (writing 
in 1317) of the Latin commentary on the Ecerinis of Albertino 


patus in urbe Verona et civitate Vicentiae* 1 Vicario 
Generali, devotissimus suus Dantes Alagherii b , Floren- 
. tinus fiatione non moribus, vitam orat c 2 per tempora 
diuturna d felicem, et gloriosi nominis perpetuum* 

§ 1. Inclyta f vestrae Magnificentiae 3 laus, quam 
fama vigil volitando» 4 disseminat, sic distrahit in di- 

a M.^M.^Me.O. Vicentia; V. Vicentina b A.M. Aligerius ; M. 1 

M. 2 Me.V. Allagherii; 0. Aligherius c M.^M. 2 orat al optat ; Me. orat 
utoptat; O. optat d A. diuturnam e Me.O. inperpetuum f A. 
Inclytae s M. 1 M.. 2 V. volitanter ; Me.0 . volitans 

Mussato ('Cani Grandi de la Scala'), by Pietro di Dante in his 
comment on Par. xvii. 46 (' illos de la Scala de Verona '), by Filippo 
Villani in his Expositio of the first canto of the Inferno (§ 3 *ad 
dominum Canem de la Scala '), and by Benvenuto da Imola in his 
Comentum (on Purg. xviii. 121 : ' Mastinus de la Scala', 'insula de 
la Scala ', ' Albertus de la Scala ' ; on Par. xvii. 70 : { Bartholomaeus 
de la Scala '). In the Statuto dello Spedale di Santa Maria di Siena the 
hospital is frequently referred to as ' Hospitale Sancte Marie de la 
Scala de Senis' (see Statuti Senesi, ed. L. Banchi, vol. iii. pp. 128, 
130, 132, 194, 212). Torraca, in his Studi Danieschi (p. 255 n.), 
quotes from Cipolla's Compendio della Storia Politica di Verona two 
documents (dated 1317 and 1323) in which Can Grande's name 
occurs as ' Canem grandem de la Scala '. See also the documents 
of Jan. 10 and Feb. 4, 1311, quoted by Bonaini in Acta Henrici VII 
(vol. i, pp. 124, 144). 

1 The mediaeval formula was not civiias Vicentia, civitas Bononia, 
civitas Florentia, &c, but civitas Vicentiae, c. Bononiae, &c. ; or (less 
commonly) civitas Vicentina, c. Bononiensis, &c For examples of 
the former usage, see Del Lungo, DelV Esilio di Dante, pp. 75, 80, 
91, &c ('civitas Florentiae ') ; pp. 101, 141, 158 (<c Pistorii'); 
p. 141 (' c Aretii '). 2 Cf. l orat pacem ' in the title ofEpist. v. 

3 I take ' Magnificentia ' here and in § 32 to be a title of honour, 
as in Epist. iv (iii). 6, and in the title of Epist. vii* (see Mod. Lang. 
Rev. xii. 303 n.). 

4 Cf. ' volitans Fama ', Aen. vii. 104 ; ix. 473-4 ; and her ' vigiles 
oculi', Aen. iv. 182. The reading volitando reslores the cursus — 
1 (voli)tando disseminat ' (tardus). 


versa diversos, ut hos in spem a suae prosperitatis b at- 

5 tollat, hos exterminii deiciat c in terrorem. d x Huius e 

quidem praeconium, facta f modernorum exsuperans « 2 , 5 

tamquam veri existentia h latius, arbitrabar aliquando * 

superfluum. Verum ne diuturna me nimis incertitudo J 

10 suspenderet, velut Austri regina k Hierusalem petiit 3 , 

velut Pallas petiit Helicona 14 , Veronam petii fidis 

oculis discursurus m audita. Ibique n magnalia vestra 10 

vidi, vidi beneficia simul ° et tetigi ; et quemadmodum 

15 prius dictorum ex parte p suspicabar excessum, sic 

posterius ipsa facta excessiva cognovi. Quo factum ut q 

ex auditu solo cum quadam animi subiectione benevolus 

a Me.V. inspe; M.*M. 2 mspei b M.^M. 2 posteritatis c A.deiecit; 
M. deicit ; M. 1 deuiat d M. 2 omits in terrorem e M.^M.^Me.V.O. hoc 
' A.facto B A.M. exuberans n M.^M.^Me. essentia x M.^M.^Me.V. 
alii * A. incertitudine k A. regiam * M.*M. 2 0. Heliconam 

m A.M. discussurus n M.^M.^Me.V. Auditaubique ° A.M. similiter 
p M.^M.^Me.V.0. omit exparte « M.^M.^Me.O./ac^m est ut 

1 Cf. Dante's prophecy concerning Can Grande, Par. xvii. 85-90 : 

Le sue magnificenze conosciute 

Saranno ancora si, che i suoi nimici 
Non ne potran tener le lingue mute. 

A lui t' aspetta ed ai suoi benefici ; 
Per lui fia trasmutata molta gente, 
Cambiando condizion ricchi e mendici. 

2 Cf. Par. xvii. 91-3. 

3 Matt. xii. 42 ; Luke xi. 31 ; Dante's reference to the Queen as 
' regina Austri ' shows that he had in mind the N.T. passages, as 
well as the accounts in 1 Kings x and 2 Chron. ix, where she is 
styled 'regina Saba'. 

* The reading Helicona is assured by the ' Helicona petit ' of Ovid, 
Metam. v. 254, to which Dante is here referring (as well as by Aen. 
vii. 641 ; x. 163). On Dante's practice of coupling examples from 
sacred and profane literature, as here, see Moore, Studies, i. 26-7, 
118 ; ii. 22-5 ; iii. 301. 


20 prius exstiterim ; sed ex visu primordii et a devotissimus 15 
et amicus. 

§ 2. Nec reor, amici nomen assumens, ut nonnulli 
forsitan obiectarent, reatum praesumptionis incurrere b \ 

25 quum non minus dispares connectantur quam pares 
amicitiae sacramento. 2 Nam si delectabiles c et utiles 20 
amicitias inspicere libeat, illis persaepius inspicienti 
patebit, praeeminentes inferioribus coniugari personas/ 1 

30 Et si e ad veram ac per se amicitiam torqueatur intuitus, 
nonne illustrium summorumque f principum g plerumque 
viros fortuna obscuros, honestate praeclaros, amicos 25 
fuisse constabit 3 ? Quidni ? quum etiam Dei et homi- 

35 nis amicitia nequaquam impediatur excessu ! Quod si 
cuiquam, quod asseritur, videatur h indignum, Spiritum 
Sanctum audiat, amicitiae suae participes 1 quosdam J 
homines k profitentem. Nam in Sapientia l de sapientia 30 

40 legitur, ' quoniam infinitus thesaurus est hominibus, 
quo m qui usi sunt, participes facti sunt amicitiae n 
Dei \ 4 Sed habet imperitia vulgi sine discretione 
iudicium 5 ; et quemadmodum solem pedalis magni- 

a A.M. sed ex usu postmodum ; M.^M. 2 secundum ex visu primordii et; 
0. sic ex visu primordii et b A.M. mereri c M.^M. 2 nec non d. ; 

Me.V. non d. d A.M. libeat illas p. i. patebit inferiores coniungat 

personas ; O. libeat, persaepius i. p., p. inferioribus coniugari personis 
e Me. personas, si f A. summorum illustriumque e M. 2 principium 
h A.M. quid (M. quod) si cuiquam asserit nunc videret ; O. Quod si cuiquam, 
quod asseritur, videreiur l V. omits participes j Me.V. quosque 

k A. honores l A. insipientia; M. 2 in Sapientiam m M. 2 qua 

n A.M. usi sunt amicitie 

1 I am inclined to suspect that the reading of A.M. is not mereri 
(as Boffito gives it), but merere (as Witte has it, from M., in Dante- 
Forschungen, i. 505). 2 Cf. Aristotle. Ethics, viii. 2, 3, 8. 

3 Ethics, viii. 6. 4 Wisd. vii. 14. 

5 Moore (Siudies, iii. 338-9) compares Conr. i. 4, 11. 29-31 ; 11, 
11. 22-7 ; iii. 10, 1. 28 ; and V. E. i. 3, 11. 2-5. 


45 tudinis arbitratur *, sic circa mores, 2 et circa unam vel 35 
alteram rem vana credulitate decipitur. a Nos autem b 
quibus optimum quod c est in nobis noscere datum est, 
gregum vestigia sectari non decet, quinimmo suis erro- 

50 ribus obviare tenemur. Nam d intellectu ac ratione 
vigentes, 6 3 divina quadam libertate dotati/ nullis 40 
consuetudinibus adstringuntur g . Nec mirum, quum 
non ipsi legibus, sed ipsis leges potius h dirigantur. 

55 Liquet igitur, quod superius dixi, me scilicet esse 
devotissimum et amicum,nullatenus esse praesumptum 1 4 . 
§ 3. Praeferens ergo amicitiam vestram quasi the- 45 

60 saurum carissimum, providentia diligenti et accurata 
sollicitudine illam servare desidero 1 . Itaque quum in 
dogmatibus moralis negotii k B amicitiam adaequari et 

a M. sic contra mores vana c. d. ; M. 1 M. 2 sic et circa unam vel imam rem 

c. d. ; V. sic circa una vel ima c. d. ; 0. sic circa unam vel alteram rem c. 

d. ; (the reading of A. is not given by Boffito) b M. x M. 2 Me.V. 
nos enim; 0. Eos autem c M. quidem d 0. tenentur : nam e A. 
M.M. x M. 2 Me.V. intellectu ac (M. atque) ratione degentes f M.^M. 2 d. 
q. Hbertate et ratione d. ; Me.V. d. q. ratione d. s A.M. astringitur ; 
(the reading of V. is illegible) h V. potius leges l V.O. prae- 
sumptuosum * A. desiderio k M. moralis philosophie negotii 

1 Cf. Aristotle, De Anim. iii. 5 ; Cicero, Fin. i. 6 ; Acad. ii. 26 ; 
and Conv. iv. 8, 11. 51-3 : ' sapemo che alla piii gente il sole pare di 
larghezza nel diametro d'un piede '. 

2 It is difficult to account for mores in M. and Me. (that is, in 
representatives of both of the MS. groups) unless the word was 
in the archetype from which they were derived. 

3 In spite of the unanimity of the MSS. in favour of degentes 
, there can be no doubt as to vigentes being the true reading ; cf. 

Mon. i. 3, 11. 91-2, which, as Moore points out (Siudies, i. 150 ; 
iii. 339), is a direct quotation from Aristotle, Poliiics, i. 2. 

4 This, the reading of five out of the six MSS., rectifies the cursus 
— ' £sse praesumptum ' {planus). 

5 Cf. the similar use of negotium in § 16 ; as Moore notes 
(Studies, iii. 304), negotium is the rendering in the Antiqua Trans- 


salvari a analogo doceatur, ad retribuendum pro collatis 
65 beneficiis plus quam semel analogiam sequi b mihi 50 
votivum est * ; et propter hoc munuscula mea c saepe 
multum d conspexi % et ab invicem segregavi, nec 
non segregata percensui, dignius gratiusque f vobis 
70 inquirens. Neque ipsi s praeeminentiae vestrae con- 
gruum comperi magis, quam h Comoediae sublimem 55 
canticam, quae decoratur titulo Paradisi; et illam 
sub praesenti epistola, tamquam sub epigrammate 2 
75 proprio dedicatam *, vobis adscribo, vobis offero, vobis 
denique recommendo. 

§ 4. Illud quoque praeterire silentio simpliciter 60 

a M.^Me.V. ad quam et salvari b M. 1 V. b. qui semel analogia s. ; 

Me. b. qui semel analogiam s. ; 0. b. analogiam s. c M. omits mea 

d 0. multumque e A.M. dspexi f M. X V. dignusque cuiusque ; Me. 
dignus quam cuiusquam; 0. digniusque gratiusque g A.M.M. 2 omit 

ipsi ; M.^Me.V. neque ipsum h M. congruum magis comperi quam ; 

Me. congruum comperi quam l V. 

latio of the Ethics of the term irpayfiareia, which is several times 
applied by Aristotle to his ethical treatise. The reference is to 
Ethics, ix. 1. 

1 Cf. Conv. iii. -1, 11. 55-69: <E da sapere che, siccome dice il 
Filosofo nel nono dell' Etica, nell' amista delle persone dissimili 
di stato conviene, a conservazione di quella, una proporzione 
(analogum) essere intra loro, che la dissimilitudine a similitudine 
quasi riduca, siccome intra '1 signore e '1 servo. Che, avvegnache 
'1 servo non possa simile beneficio rendere al signore, quando da 
lui e beneficato, dee pero rendere quello che migliore puo con tanto 
di sollecitudine e di franchezza, che quello, ch' e dissimile per se, 
si faccia simile per lo mostramento della buona volonta, la quale 
manifesta V amista, e ferma e conserva.' 

2 Vandelli (Bidl. Soc. Dant. Ital., N.S. viii. 148) quotes from 
Uguccione da Pisa : ' Item gramma, quod est linea vel lettera, com- 
ponitur cum epy, quod est supra, et dicitur hoc epygramma, -tis, idest 
superscriptio, scilicet titulus vel brevis annotatio eorum que diffusius 
dicuntur in sequenti opere '. 


inardescens a * non sinit affectus, quod in hac donatione 

80 plus domino quam dono b honoris et famae c potest 

conferri videri d2 ; quinimmo 6 , cum eius titulo f iam 

praesagium 8 de gloria vestri nominis h amplianda 1 , 

satis attentis j videar k 3 expressisse ; quod de proposito \ 65 

85 Sed zelus m gratiae n vestrae, quam sitio, invidiam ° 4 

parvipendens, a primordio metam praefixam urgebit p 

ulterius. Itaque, formula consummata epistolae, ad 

introductionem oblati operis aliquid sub lectoris officio 

90 compendiose aggrediar. 70 

§ 5. Sicut dicit q Philosophus in secundo Metaphysi- 

corum x : 'Sicut res se habet ad esse, sic se habet ad 

•* M. omits simpliciter inardescens ; 0. simpliciter , inardescens b M. 1 
' Me.V. plus dono quam domino c Me.M. et honoris etfamae ; M. 1 V. et 
honorisfamae d A.M.O. conferri videri potest ; M. x Me.V. /erri videri 

potest * A.M. quid mirum ? f A.M. V. titidum g Me. V. praesagia 
h Me.V. omit vestri ' M. ampliandum ; Me.V. ampliandus j A.M. 
satis hactenus k A.M. V.O. videbar ; M.^Me. mihi videbatur ! A.M. 
de proposito fui m A. gelus; M.^Me.V.O.^O. 2 tenellus n 0. 3 gloriae 
A.M.O. 3 nostram ; M.^O.^O. 2 vitam ; Me.V. qui vitam D M.^O.^O. 2 
urgebo ; A. urge ; Me.V. arguet q M.O. dixit r V. Metaphysices 

1 It seems best, with Parodi {Bull. Soc. Dant. Ital., N.S. xix. 
273-4), to omit the comma at simpliciter (which involves a violation 
of the cursus), and to take ' simpliciter inardescens ' together. 

2 The reading of the MSS. violates the cursus, which is rectified 
by the transposition in the text — ' (con)ferri videri ' (planus). 
The meaning of this passage has been the subject of lengthy 
discussion (see, for instance, Bull. Soc. Dant. Ital, N.S. viii. 148-9 ; 
xvi. 28 ; xix. 274-5), but no satisfactory result has yet been 
arrived at. 

3 This emendation, which follows a suggestion of Bohmer 
(Dante-Jahrbuch, i. 398), rectifies the cursus — 'videar expressisse' 

4 This emendation, also a suggestion of BOhmer (loc. cit.), which 
commends itself to Biagi and Parodi (Bull. Soc. Dant. Ital, N.S. xvi. 
24 n. ; xix. 274), while rectifying the cursus — ' (in)vidiam parvi- 
pendens' (velox) — gives the required sense. 


veritatem ' l ; cuius ratio est, quia a veritas de re, quae 
95 in b veritate consistit tamquam in subiecto, est similitudo 
perfecta rei sicut est. Eorum vero quae sunt, quaedam 75 
sic sunt, ut habeant esse absolutum in se ; quaedam sunt 

100 ita c , ut habeant esse dependens ab alio per relationem 
quandam, ut eodem tempore esse, et ad aliud se habere d , 
ut relativa, sicut pater et filius, 6 dominus et servus, 
duplum et f dimidium, totum et g pars, et huiusmodi, in 80 

105 quantum talia. 2 Propterea quod h esse talium dependet 
ab alio, consequens est quod eorum veritas ab alio 
dependeat : ignorato enim dimidio, nunquam cognoscitur 
duplum ; et sic de aliis. 

110 § 6. Volentes igitur aliqualem introductionem tra- 85 
dere ! de parte operis alicuius, oportet aliquam notitiam 
tradere de toto cuius est pars. Quapropter et ego, vo- 

115 lens de parte supra nominata totius 3 Comoediae aliquid 
tradere per modum introductionis, aliquid de toto opere 
praemittendum existimavi k , ut facilior et perfectior sit 90 
ad partem introitus. Sex igitur sunt quae in principio 

120 cuiusque doctrinalis operis l inquirenda sunt, videlicet 
subiectum m , agens, forma, finis, libri titulus, et genus 
philosophiae. De istis tria sunt in quibus pars ista 
quam vobis destinare proposui, variatur a toto, scilicet 95 

125 subiectum, forma et titulus ; in aliis vero non variatur, 

a Me. quod b Me. omits in c V. omits ita d Me. ut ea tempore 
esse est ad aliud se habere ; M.*V. ut ea quorum esse est ad aliud se habere 
e O. sicut relativa pater etfilius f Me. omits et g Me. omits et 

h M.. 1 propter quodque ; O. Propterea quodque * Me. omits tradere •> O. 
omits totius k M. 1 existimauit l V. gperis doctrinalis m M.^V. 
factum ; Me. subiectum factum 

1 Afetaphys. ii. 1 (adfin.). 

2 Cf. the similar illustrations of relative and absolute terms in 
Mon. iii. 12, 11. 31-58. 


sicut apparet inspicienti ; et ideo, circa considerationem 
de toto, ista tria inquirenda seorsum a a sunt : quo facto, 
satis patebit ad introductionem partis. Deinde in- 

130 quiremus alia tria, non solum per respectum ad totum, 100 
sed etiam per respectum ad ipsam partem oblatam. 
§ 7. Ad evidentiam itaque dicendorum, sciendum est 

135 quod istius operis non est simplex sensus, immo dici 
potest polysemos b 2 , hoc est plurium sensuum ; nam 
primus c sensus est qui habetur per literam, alius est qui 105 
habetur per significata per literam. Et primus dicitur 

lio literalis, secundus vero allegoricus, sive mysticus. 3 
Qui modus tractandi, ut melius pateat, potest considerari 
in his d versibus : ' In exitu Israel de Aegypto, domus 
Iacob de populo barbaro, facta est Iudaea sanctificatio 110 

145 eius, Israel potestas eius \ 4 Nam si ad e literam solam 
inspiciamus, significatur nobis exitus filiorum Israel de 
Aegypto, tempore Moysis ; si ad f allegoriam, nobis 
significatur « nostra redemptio facta per Christum ; si 

150 ad h moralem sensum, significatur nobis conversio animae 115 
de luctu et miseria peccati ad statum gratiae ; si ad * 
anagogicum, significatur exitus animae sanctae j ab 

b M. 1 poJysensuum ; V '. polysensum ; O. polysemum 
.'Me. istis e M.^M.^O. omit ad f M. 2 0. omit 

a M. 1 0. seorsim 
c O. alius d M.'Me. istis 

ad k ' V. significatur nobis h M. 2 0. omit ad ' M. 2 0. omit ad 

j V. omits sanctae 

1 This, not seorsim (vvhich appears to have been unknown in 
classical Latin), is the form registered hy Papias, Uguccione da 
Pisa, Giovanni da Genova, and the Gemma Oemmarum, and is the 
reading of all except one of the MSS. 

2 This is the reading of two MSS.- Dante, no doubt, was indebted 
for the word to Uguccione da Pisa (see my Dante Studies and 
Researches, p. 106, and note 1). 

3 Cf. Mon. iii. 4, 11. 47-8. * Psalm cxiv {Vulg. cxiii). 1-2. 


155 huius corruptionis servitute ad aeternae a gloriae liber- 
tatem. Et quamvis b isti sensus mystici variis c appel- 
lentur nominibus, generaliter Omnes dici possunt alle- 120 
gorici, quum sint a literali sive historiali diversi. Nam 

160 allegoria dicitur ab alleon d graece e , quod in latinum 
dicitur alienum, sive f diversum. 1 

§ 8. His visis, manifestum est quod duplex oportet 
esse subiectum, circa quod currant alterni sensus, Et 125 

165 ideo videndum est de subiecto huius operis, prout ad 
literam accipitur ; deinde de subiecto, prout allegorice 
sententiatur g . Est ergo subiectum totius operis, litera- 
liter tantum accepti, status animarum post mortem 

170 simpliciter sumptus. Nam de illo et circa h illum totius 130 
operis versatur processus. Si vero accipiatur 1 opus 
allegorice, subiectum est homo prout merendo et 

175 demerendo per arbitrii libertatem iustitiae praemiandi 
et puniendi j 2 obnoxius est. 

§ 9. Forma vero est duplex, forma tractatus et forma 135 
tractandi. Forma tractatus est triplex, secundum 
triplicem divisionem. Prima divisio est, qua totum 

180 opus dividitur in tres canticas. Secunda, qua quaelibet 
cantica dividitur in cantus. Tertia, qua quilibet cantus 

a M. x Me.V. aeternam b M. ] M. 2 quomodo ; Me. quoniam ; 0. quam- 
quam c V. omits variis d M. x M. 2 Me. omit e Me. omits 

f Me. uel s V. consideratur h M. 2 circam ' V. accipitur 

1 O. praemianti aut punienti 

1 See my Dante Studies and Researches, p. 106, and note 2. 

2 This is the reading of all four MSS., as well as of Guido da 
Pisa in his commentary (see Bull. Soc. Dant Ital.. N.S. viii. 152) ; 
and it was evidently the reading of the text utilized by Boccaccio 
in his Comento, where he translates : ' come 1' uomo per lo libero 
arbitrio meritando e dismeritando, e alla giustizia di guiderdonare 
e di punire obbligato ' (ed. Milanesi, i. 82). 


dividitur in rithimos al . Forma sive modus tractandi 140 
185 est poeticus, fictivus, descriptivus b , digressivus c , tran- 
sumptivus d ; et cum hoc definitivus e , divisivus, proba- 
tivus f , improbativus g , et exemplorum positivus. 2 

§10. Libri titulus est : 'Incipit Comoedia Dantis 
190 Alagherii h , Florentini natione, non moribus \ Ad 145 
cuius notitiam sciendum est, quod comoedia dicitur 
a comos ! 3 villa, et oda quod est cantus, unde comoedia 
quasi villanus cantus. Et est comoedia genus quoddam 
195 poeticae narrationis, ab omnibus aliis differens. DifFert- 1 
ergo a tragoedia in materia per hoc, quod tragoedia in 150 
principio est k admirabilis et quieta, in fine sive l exitu 
est m foetida et n horribilis ; et dicitur propter hoc a 

a Me.V. rhythmos; M.^M. 2 rhylmos b Me.V. et descriptivus 

c Cancelled in V. d V. omits e Me. diffinitiuus r *Me. probans 
s Me. improbans h M.^M.^V. Allagherii; O. Aligherii • 0. comus 
j M. 2 differet k V. est in principio * M. 2 Me.V. seu m V. omits 
est n Me.V. sive 

1 In the De Vulgari Eloquentia this word is used in the sense of 
1 rhyme ' ; here it means the rhymed lines composing the terzine ; 
cf. the use of ' ritmo ' in Conv. i. 10, 1. 88, where it is explained as 
1 numero regolato '. (See Moore, Studies, iii. 310.) 

2 Cf. Benvenuto da Imola, in the Iniroductio to his Comentum super 
Bantis Comoediam : ' Diffinitivus, quia saepe diffinit ; diffinit enim 
fidem, spem, et item de multis. Divisivus, quia dividit Infernum 
per circulos, Purgatorium per gradus, Paradisum per spheras ; et 
ita de multis. Probativus, quia saepe probat dicta sua rationibus 
et persuasionibus. Improbativus, quia saepe improbat dicta 
aliorum, ut saepe patet. Exemplorum positivus, ut patet per 
totum ' (i. 18). 

3 Apart from the fact that this is the reading of all four MSS., 
this form is assured by its occurrence in the passage of the Magnae 
Derivationes of Uguccione da Pisa from which Dante is here quoting 
(see my Dante Studies and Researches, p. 103), as well as in the 
commentaries of Pietro di Dante (p. 9), the Anonimo Fiorentino 
(vol. i, p. 9), Villani (§ 10), and Buti (vol. ii, p. 533). 


200 tragos a T quod est hircus, et oda, qnasi cantus hircinus, 
id est foetidus b ad modum hirci, ut patet per Senecam in 
suis tragoediis. Comoedia vero inchoat asperitatem 155 

205 alicuius rei, sed eius materia prospere terminatur, ut 
patet per Terentium in suis comoediis. Et hinc consue- 
verunt dictatores quidam in suis salutationibus 2 dicere 
loco salutis, ' tragicum principium, et comicum finem \ 3 

210 Similiter differunt in modo loquendi : elate et sublime 160 
tragoedia ; comoedia vero remisse et humiliter c 4 ; sicut 
vult Horatius in sua Poetria d 5 , ubi licentiat aliquando e 
comicos ut tragoedos loqui, et sic e converso : 

215 Interdum tamen et vocem comoedia tollit, 

Iratusque Chremes tumido delitigat ore ; 165 

Et tragicus plerumque dolet sermone pedestri 
Telephus et Peleus etc. f 6 

a O. tragus b M. 2 fedidus c V '. humiliter et remisse d M. 1 

M. 2 V.O. Poetica e M.^M. 2 aliter f 0. omits Telephus et Peleus etc. 

1 See previous note. 

2 The salutatio was one of the recognized five parts of a letter, the 
other four being the exordium, narratio, petitio, conclusio. 

3 This, like the derivations of 'comedy' and 'tragedy', comes 
from Uguccione da Pisa (see my Dante Studies and Besearches, p. 104). 

4 On the distinction between tragedy and comedy, cf. V. E. ii. 4, 
11. 38 ff. 

5 This, which is the reading of Me., is the form in which Dante 
quotes the Ars Poetica in the De Vulgari Eloquentia (ii. 4, 1. 35), as 
well as in the Vita Nuova (§ 25, 1. 92) and Convivio (ii. 14, 1. 88) ; it 
was the title by which the work was commonly quoted by mediaeval 
writers ; cf., for instance, Uguccione da Pisa and Giovanni da 
Genova (s. y, poeta) : ' a poeta . . . hec poetria, -trie, ars poetica ' ; 
and the commentaries of the Ottimo and Boccaccio on Inf. iv. 89 ; 
and of Pietro di Dante (p. 5), Villani (§ 10), Buti (vol. i, pp. 4, 
487 ; vol. ii, pp. 577, 814 ; vol. iii, p. 13), and Benvenuto da Imola 
(vol. i, pp. 9, 79, 453 ; vol. ii, p. 489 ; vol. v, pp. 133, 384). 

6 Ars Poet. 93-6. 


Et per hoc patet qtiod comoedia dicitur praesens opus. 

220 Nam si ad materiam respiciamus, a principio horribilis 
et foetida est, quia a Infernus\ in flne prospera, de- 170 
siderabilis b et grata, quia Paradisus. Ad modum c 
loquendi, remissus est modus et humilis, quia locutio 

225 vulgaris, in qua et mulierculae ' communicant. Et sic 
patet quare d comoedia dicitur e . Sunt et alia genera 
narrationum poeticarum, scilicet f carmen bucolicum, 175 
elegia, satira, et sententia votiva s 2 , ut etiam per 
Horatium patere potest in sua Poetria h ; sed de istis 

230 ad praesens nil dicendum est. 

§ 11. Potest amodo * patere, quomodo assignandum 
sit subiectum partis oblatae. Nam si totius operis litera- 180 
liter sumpti sic est subiectum j , status animarum post 

235 mortem, non contractus sed simpliciter acceptus, mani- 
festum est quod hac in parte talis status est subiectum, 
sed contractus, scilicet status animarum beatarum post 

240 mortem. Et si totius operis allegorice sumpti sub- 185 
iectum est homo prout merendo et k demerendo per 
arbitrii libertatem est iustitiae praemiandi et puniendi l 
obnoxius, manifestum est in hac parte hoc subiectum 

245 contrahi, et est homo prout merendo m obnoxius est 
iustitiae praemiandi u . 190 

§ 12. Et sic patet de forma partis per formam assi- 

a M. 2 feclida est qua b Mo. et desiderabilis c O. Si ad modum 

d Me. quia e 0. omits Et sic . . . dicitur f V. omits : Me. sicut 

« M. 2 votive h M.^M.^V.O. Poetica ' Me.V. admodo J V. omits 
partis oblatae . . . subiectum k Me. uel l O. praemianti autpunienti 
m Me.V. omit merendo n 0. praemianti; Me. praemiandi et puniendi 

1 With this somewhat depreciatory reference to women Moore 
(Studies, iii. 326) compares V. E. i. 1, 1. 6 ; 4, 11. 18-23 ; Conv. iv. 19, 
1. 88 ; Purg. xxix. 26 ; A. T. § 19, 1. 69. 

2 Cf. Ars Poet. 76 : ' voti sententia compos' . 

8165 N 


gnatam totius. Nam si forma tractatus in toto est triplex, 

250 in hac parte tantum a est duplex, scilicet divisio canticae 
et cantuum. b Non eius potest esse propria forma divisio 
prima, c quum ista pars sit primae divisionis. 195 

255 § 13. Patet etiam libri titulus. d Nam e titulus totius 
libri est : * Incipit Comoedia f ', etc. ut supra g ; titulus 
autem huius partis est h : fc Incipit canticatertiaComoediae 
Dantis, quae * dicitur Paradisus \ 

260 § 14. Inquisitis his tribus in j quibus variatur pars 200 
a toto, videndum est de aliis tribus in quibus variatio 
nulla k est a toto 1 . Agens igitur totius et partis est 
ille qui dictus est, et totaliter esse videtur m . 

265 § 15. Finis totius et partis esse posset u multiplex °, 
scilicet p propinquus et remotus. Sed q omissa subtili 205 
investigatione, dicendum est breviter quod finis totius 
et partis est, removere viventes in hac vita de statu 

270 miseriae, et perducere ad statum felicitatis. 

§ 16. Genus r philosophiae sub quo hic in toto et 
parte proceditur est morale negotium, 1 sive 8 ethica ; 210 
quia non ad speculandum, sed ad opus 2 inventum * est 

275 totum u et pars v . Nam si et w in aliquo loco vel passu x 
pertractatur y ad modum speculativi negotii, hoc non «est 

a Me. tamen b Me.V. cantuum et rhythmorum c V. esse propria 
prima divisio ; Me. esseforma divisio prima ; M.^M. 2 essepro firma divisio 
prima d M.^M^Me.V. titulusseude librititulo e Q.Namsi f M. 2 
comoedia Dantis g V. omits etc. ut supra h 0. erit l M. 2 Me. 
Dantis etc. quae j Me. omits in k V. nulla variatio l Me. a toto 
etpp m V.O. videtur esse. n 0. potest ° M.^M. 2 et multiplex 

D Me. sed « V. scilicet T V.O. Genus vero s M.^M.^V. seu 

1 O. incoeptum u V. et totum v 0. omits et pars w 0. Nam etsi 
x Me. passim y Me.V. pertractamus 

1 See the note on this word, p. 169, n. 5. 

2 Ethics i. 3. 


gratia speculativi negotii, sed gratia operis J ; quia ut a 
280 ait Philosophus in secundo Metaphyskorum h ; ' ad ali- 215 

quid et nunc c 2 speculantur practici aliquando \ d 3 
§ 17. His itaque praemissis, ad expositionem literae 

secundum quandam praelibationem accedendum est ; 
285 circa quod^praesciendum est quod expositio literae e nil f 

aliud est quam formae operis manifestatio. Dividitur 220 

ergo ista pars, seu ista g tertia cantica quae Paradisus 
290 dicitur, principaliter in duas partes, scilicet in prologum 

et partem executivam. 4 Pars secunda incipit ibi h : • Sur- 

git mortalibus per diversas fauces \ 5 

§18. De parte prima sciendum est 1 quod, quamvis 225 

a M.^M. 2 omit ut b Me. Metaphysices ; V '. Metaphysicae c O. tunc 
4 V. aliquando etiam speculantur practici. e M.*M. 2 accedendum est. 

Quodde expositione literae ; Me. a. est, et illud pronunciandum, quod expositio 
literae ; O. a. est; at illud praenunciandum, q. e. I. f Me. nichil 

e Me.O. omit ista h Me.V. add quasi in medio primi l M.*M. 2 

Me.O. est sciendum 

1 Cf. Mon. i. 2, 11. 26-36. 

2 This, the reading of all four MSS., is confirmed by a reference 
to the Antiqua Translatio of the Metaphysics, from which Dante is 
here quoting (*ad aliquid et nunc speculantur practici'), which 
is the form in which the passage is quoted by Guido da Pisa in his 
commentary (see Bull. Soc. Dant. Ital., N.S. viii. 154). 

3 Metaphys. ii. 1 ; the rendering is very literal, the original being 
irpos ti nal vvu Oiaipovaiv ol irpatcTiKoi. In the Oxford translation the 
passage from which the quotation is taken is rendered (by W. D. 
Ross) : ' The end of theoretical knowledge is truth, while that of 
practical knowledge is action (for even if they consider how things 
are, practical men do not study the cause in itself, but in some 
relation and at some time) '. 

4 That is, the introduction and the narrative proper, corre- 
sponding to the proemio and trattato of V. N. § 19, 11. 93-5 ; and Conv. 
iii. 2, 1. 2 ; 10, 11. 83-4 ; 12, 1. 37 ; iv. 2, 11. 121-5 ; 3, 11. 1-2, &c. 
(see my article on ' Dante's uses of the word trattato in the Convivio 
and Vita Nuova\ in Romania, xxxii. 565 if., 569). 

5 Par. i. 37. 

N 2 


295 communi ratione posset dici exordium a , proprie autem 
loquendo non debet dici b nisi prologus ; quod Philo- 
sophus in tertio Rhetoricorum videtur innuere c , ubi dicit 
quod ' prooemium est in d oratione rhetorica sicut pro- 

300 logus in poetica, et praeludium in fistulatione '.* Est 230 
etiam praenotandum, quod praeviatio e 2 ista, quae com- 
muniter exordium dici potest, aliter fit a poetis, aliter f 
a rhetoribus. Rhetores enim consuevere g praelibare 

305 dicenda, ut animum comparent auditoris. 3 Sed poetae 
non solum hoc faciunt, quinimmo post haec invocationem 235 
quandam emittunt. Et hoc est eis conveniens, quia h 

310 multa invocatione opus * est eis, quum J aliquid contra k 
communem modum hominum a superioribus substantiis 
petendum sit \ quasi divinum quoddam munus. Ergo 
praesens prologus m dividitur in partes duas : in n prima 240 

315 praemittitur quid dicendum sit, in secunda invocatur 
Apollo ; et incipit secunda pars ibi : ' O bone Apollo, ad 
ultimum laborem \ 4 etc.° 

§ 19. Propter primam partem notandum quod ad 

320 bene exordiendum tria requiruntur, ut dicit Tullius in 245 
Nova Rhetorica, scilicet ut benevolum et p attentum et 

a Me. dici posset exordium ; M.*0. posset exordium dici b Me. dici 

debet c M.^M. 2 quod P. in secundo R. v. i. ; V. quod inprimo Rhetorice 
v. i. Philosophus d O. prooemium est principiumin e M. X M. 2 

praeiuratio ; V. deuiatio ; Me. O.praenunciatio f Y. aliter fit s M. 1 
M. 2 V. concessere h Me. qua l V. omits opus j Me. quae cum ; 
Y.quaeceu k 0. supra ! M. 2 Me.V. est m M.^M.. 2 opus 

u M. X M. 2 quia in ° Me.V. omit etc. p M. 2 omits et 

1 Rhet. iii. 14. 

2 I conjecture, from the readings of M. 1 , M. 2 , and of V., that this 
word (in the sense of 'preamble'), which is the reading of the 
editio princeps, is the true reading, as against the facilior lectio of 
Me. and O. 

3 Aristotle, Rhet. iii. 14. 4 Par. i. 13. 


docilem reddat aliquis auditorem ; et hoc maxime in 
admirabili genere causae, ut ipsemet Tullius dicit. 1 

325 Quum ergo materia circa quam versatur praesens a trac- 
tatus, sit admirabilis, et b propterea ad admirabile 250 
reducenda ista tria intenduntur in principio exordii 
sive prologi. Nam dicit se dicturum ea, quae qui 

330 vidit in primo coelo retinere potuit. c In quo dicto 
omnia illa tria comprehenduntur ; nam in utilitate 
dicendorum benevolentia paratur ; in admirabilitate d 255 
attentio ; in possibilitate docilitas. Utilitatem innuit, 

335 quum recitaturum se dicit ea quae maxime e allec- 
tiva sunt desiderii humani, scilicet gaudia Paradisi. 
Admirabilitatem tangit, quum promittit se tam ardua, 
tam sublimia dicere, scilicet conditiones regni coelestis. 260 

340 Possibilitatem ostendit, quum dicit se dicturum ea f 
quae mente retinere potuit; si enim ipse g , et alii 
poterunt. Haec omnia tanguntur in verbis illis ubi 

345 dicit se fuisse in primo coelo, et quod dicere vult de 
regno coelesti quidquid in mente sua, quasi thesaurum, 265 

a Me. primus b M. J 0. omit et c M. 2 ea quae qui vidit inprimo 
coelo retinere non potuit ; Me.V. ea quae qui vidit retinere non potuit in 
primo coelo ; O. ea, quae ex iis quae vidit in primo coelo retinere potuit 
d Me. admiraiione e M. 2 maxima f Me.V. omit ea B Me.V. 
homo ipse 

1 De Inventione, i. 15, §§ 20, 21 : ' Exordium est oratio animum 
auditoris idonee comparans ad reliquam dictionem : quod eveniet, 
si eum benevolum, attentum, docilem fecerit ; quare qui bene 
exordiri causam volet, eum necesse est genus suae causae diligenter 
ante cognoscere. Genera causarum sunt quinque : honestum, 
admirabile, humile, anceps, obscurum . . . admirabile [causae 
genus est], a quo alienatus est animus eorum, qui audituri sunt. 
. . . In admirabili genere causae, si non omnino infesti auditores 
erunt, principio benevolentiam comparare licebit . . . '. Cf. what 
Dante says on this same subject in the Convivio, ii. 7, 11. 53-67. 


potuit retinere. Viso igitur de bonitate ac perfectione 
primae partis prologi, ad literam accedatur. 

350 § 20. Dicit ergo a quod ' gloria primi Motoris \ qui 
Deus est, ' in omnibus partibus universi resplendet', sed 
ita ut * in aliqua parte b magis, et c in aliqua minus \* 270 
Quod autem ubique resplendeat, ratio et auctoritas 2 

355 manifestat. Ratio sic : Omne quod est, aut habet esse 
a se, aut ab alio. Sed constat, quod habere esse a se 
non convenit nisi uni, scilicet primo, seu principio, qui 
Deus est, quum d habere esse non e arguat per se necesse 275 

360 esse f , et per se necesse esse non competat nisi uni, scilicet 
primo, seu principio g , quod est causa omnium ; ergo 
omnia quae sunt, praeter unum ipsum b , habent esse ab 

365 alio. 1 3 Si ergo accipiatur ultimum 4 in universo, non j 5 
quodcumque, manifestum est quod id habet esse ab ali- 280 
quo ; et illud a quo habet, a se vel ab aliquo. k Si a se, 
sic est primum ; si ab aliquo, et illud similiter vel a se, 

370 vel ab aliquo l . Et esset sic procedere in infinitum in 
causis agentibus, ut probatur in secundo m Metaphysi- 

a Y.igitur b M. l omits parte c V. omits et d M.^M.^V.O. 
Et quum e Me. omits non f M. X M. 2 arguatper se non necesse est 

g V. omits qui Deus est . . . seu principio h M.^M. 2 V. praeter ipsum ; 
Me. praeter unum l Me.V. ab aliis j O. vel k 0. ab aliquo habet 
1 M. x M. 2 Me. ab aliquo et est naturaliter m M. x M. 2 Me.V. tertio 

1 Par. i. 1-3. 

2 Cf. Epist. iii (iv). 25-7 ; Moore (Studies, iii. 325) also compares 
Par. xxiv. 133-8 ; xxvi. 25-6, 46-7 ; Mon. i. 5, 11. 11, 20-1 ; ii. 1, 
11. 60-4 ; iii. 16, 11. 63-71. 

3 Moore compares Conv. iv. 18, 11. 13-22. On the passage in the 
text, see Biagi, in Bull. Soc. Dant. Ital, N.S. xvi. 35. 

4 That is, the furthest removed from the first cause. 

6 This is the reading of all four MSS., and, as Biagi argues 
(loc. cit.), is manifestly right — ' if we take, not anything whatsoever, 
but that thing which is the most.remote in the universe '. 


corum. 1 Et sic erit devenire a ad primum, qui Deus est. 285 
Et sic, mediate vel immediate, omne quod est habet 

375esse b ab Eo ; quia.ex eo quod causa secunda recipit c 
a prima, influit super causatum ad modum recipientis et 
repercutientis d 2 radium, propter quod causa prima est 

380 magis causa. e Et hoc dicitur in libro De Causis, quod 290 
6 omnis causa primaria plus influit super suum causatum, 
quam causa universalis secunda \ 3 Sed hoc quantum ad 

385 § 21. Quantum vero ad essentiam, probo sic : Omnis 
essentia, praeter primam, est causata ; aliter f essent g 295 
plura quae essent h per se necesse esse, quod * est impos- 
sibile. Quia j causatum k est l vel a natura m ^el ab 

a M.^M.^Me. Metaphysicorum erit devenire ; 0. Metaphysicorum. Quod 
quum sit impossibile, erit d. b Me.V. omne quod habet esse, habet esse 

c M.^M.^O. recepit d M. a M. 2 Me.V. respicientis ; 0. respuentis • Me. 
V. causa prima magis f Me.V. alias e M. 1 esse h M. 2 esse 

1 M. l O. necesse quod; M. 2 necesse est quod J 0. Quod k Me. causata 
1 M. 2 Me.V. omit est m 0. a natura est 

1 Metaphys. ii. 2 (ad init.). There is no MS. authority for the 
words introduced here in the Oxford text, which are an interpola- 
tion of Giuliani. 

2 For respicientis, the reading of all four MSS., which is mani- 
festly wrong, Fraticelli substituted respuentis (as in O.), and Torri 
and Giuliani rejicientis. But it is a question here, not of rejection, 
still less of violent rejection, but of reflection. I have little doubt 
that repercutientis (in MSS. repcuttitis) is the right reading ; Dante 
frequentJy uses ripercuotere of reflected light ; cf. Conv. ii. 14, 1. 75 ; 
15, 1. 57 ; iii. 14, 1. 48 ; iv. 20, 1. 78 ; and especially iii. 14, 11. 35-7, 
where Dante is discussing (as here) the transmission of the 
influence of the celestial Intelligences : 'Nelle Intelligenze raggia 
la divina luce senza mezzo, nell' altre [cose] si ripercuote da queste 
Intelligenze prima illuminate' (cf. what Dante says in § 21, 
11. 400-4, of this letter) ; so also Virgil, Aen. viii. 23: ' lumen 
repercussum ' ; and Ovid, Metam. ii. 110 : 'repercusso Phoebo'. 

8 Prop. i, init. 


390 intellectu ; et quod a a natura est b , per consequens causa- 
tum est ab intellectu, quum natura sit opus intelligentiae. 
Omne ergo quod est causatum, est causatum c ab aliquo 300 
intellectu d mediate e vel immediate. Quum ergo virtus 

395 sequatur essentiam cuius est virtus, si essentia intellec- 
tiva, est tota l et unius f quae g causat. Et sic quemad- 
modum prius devenire erat ad primam causam ipsius 

400 esse, sic nunc essentiae et virtutis. Propter h quod 305 
patet quod omnis essentia et virtus procedat * a prima, 
et intelligentiae inferiores recipiant quasi a radiante, et 
reddant radios superioris ad suum inferius, ad modum 

405 speculorum. 2 Quod satis aperte tangere videtur Diony- 
sius 3 de coelesti hierarchia loquens. 4 Et propter hoc 310 

a M.^M. 2 quo b M.V. omit est c Me. omits est causatum 

d V. omits quum natura sit opus . . . intellectu e Me. uel mediate 

f O. si essentia sit inteUectiva, virtus tota est unius e Me. quo h V. per 
1 Me.V. procedit 

1 There is no authority for the interpolated virtus in O., which 
is due to Giuliani. 

2 Cf. Conv. iii. 14, 11. 35-7, quoted in note 2 on p. 183. 

8 DionysiustheAreopagite; cf. Epist.viii. 117, and note. Dionysius 
is placed by Dante in the Heaven of the Sun, among the great 
doctors of the Church, Par. x. 115-17: ' quel cero Che, giuso in 
carne, piii addentro vide L'angelica natura e il ministero '. 

4 Coelest. Hier. iii, § 2 : ' Pulchritudo divina ut simplex, ut bona, 
ut perfectionis autor pura quidem est, nullamque prorsus ad- 
mixtionem dissimilitudinis suscipit. Verum singulos pro meritis 
lucis suae participes facit ; et sacrosancto mysterio perficit, 
quantum quisque initiatus congrue illius in se immutabilem 
exprimere effigiem nititur. Est ergo sacratissimi huius functionis 
intentio, Deo quantum fieri potest similem evadere, unumque cum 
illo fieri. Quae profecto destinatio Deum ipsum habet totius 
sacratioris scientiae et actionis praeceptorem ; inque illius augustis- 
simam speciem intenta semper ac fiimiter, atque ad illam se pro 
virium modo componens. Eos etiam qui secum divina sectantur, 
Dei signa et imagines efficit, ac perlucida specula et omni labe 


dicitur in libro De Causis quod * omnis intelligentia est 
plena formis \ x Patet ergo quomodo ratio manifestat 

410 divinum lumen, id est divinam bonitatem, sapientiam et 
virtutem, 2 resplendere ubique. 

§ 22. Similiter etiam ac scientius a 3 facit auctoritas. 315 
Dicit enim Spiritus Sanctus per Hieremiam 4 : ' Num- 

415 quid non b coelum et terram ego impleo ? ' et in 
Psalmo c 5 : ' Quo ibo a spiritu tuo ? et quo a facie tua 
fugiarn ? Si ascendero in coelum, tu illic es ; si descen- 
dero in infernum, ades. Si sumpsero pennas meas ' etc. 320 

420 Et Sapientia 6 dicit d quod ' Spiritus Domini replevit 
orbem terrarum \ Et Ecclesiasticus e in f quadragesimo 
secundo 7 : ' Gloria Domini plenum est opus eius \ Quod 

425 etiam scriptura paganorum contestatur ; nam g Lucanus 
in nono 8 : 4 Iuppiter est quodcumque vides, quocumque h 325 
moveris \ 

§ 28. Bene ergo dictum est, quum dicit quod divinus * 
radius, seu j divina gloria, ' per universum penetrat et 

a 0. scientia b Me.V. omit Numquid non c V. psalmo cxxxviii 
d U. 2 dicitur e Me.V.O. 1 0. 2 Ecclesiastes ; M. X M. 2 Ecclesiastici c M. 1 
M. 2 Me.V. omit in s Me.V. unde h Me. quod cumque 

1 M.^M. 2 dictum quod divinus j Me.V. siue 

pura, dignaque quibus principalis illius ac divinae lucis suavis- 
simus radius influat. Quae ubi indultum sibi sacratissimum iubar 
affatim hauserint, hoc ipsa postmodum absque invidia sequentibus 
fundunt.' J Prop. x, init. 

2 That is, the Holy Trinity ; cf. Inf. iii. 5-6 ; and see Moore, 
Studies, iii. 334. 

3 This, the reading of all the MSS., is obviously right as against 
scientia, Witte's emendation. Not ' scientia et auctoritas ' are in 
question, but ' ratio et auctoritas ' (§ 20, 11. 353, 354). 

4 Jerem. xxiii. 24. 

5 Psalm cxxxix (Vulg. cxxxviii). 7-9. 

8 Wisd. i. 7. 7 Ecclus. xlii. 16. 8 Phars. ix. 580. 


430 resplendet': penetrat quantum ad essentiam ; resplendet a 
quantum ad esse. Quod autem subicit b de magis et 330 
minus habet veritatem in manifesto, quoniam videmus 
in aliquo excellentiori gradu essentiam aliquam, aliquam 

435 vero in inferiori c ; ut patet de coelo et elementis, quorum 
quidem illud incorruptibile, illa vero corruptibilia sunt. 1 
§ 24. Et postquam d praemisit hanc veritatem, pro- 335 

440 sequitur ab ea, circumloquens Paradisum ; et dicit quod 
fuit in coelo illo quod de gloria Dei e , sive de luce, recipit 
affluentius. 2 Propter quod sciendum quod illud coelum r 
est coelum supremum, continens corpora universa, et 

445 a nullo contentum, 3 intra quod omnia corpora g moventur 340 
(ipso in sempiterna quiete permanente), 4 a h nulla cor- 
porali substantia virtutem recipiens. 5 Et dicitur 1 em- 

450 pyreum, quod est idem quod coelum igne sive ardore j 
flagrans 6 ; non quod in eo sit ignis vel ardor materialis, 
sed spiritualis, qui k est amor sanctus, sive caritas. 7 345 

a V. omits penetrat quantum . . . resplendet b M. ] M. 2 subiici 

c M. 1 videmus in aliquo excellentiori gradu essentiam aliquam aliqua vero in 
inferiori ; M. 2 Me.V. v. in a. e. g. essentiam aliquam vero in i. ; O. videmus 
aliquid in excellentiori gradu esse, aliquid vero in inferiori d M. X M. 2 

priusquam e V. Domini f V. omits coelum e V. omits corpora 
h M.^M. 3 moventur ipso in sempitema quiete permanente vita (M. 2 vitas) et 
omnia sua contenta et a ; Me. m. in primo s. q. p. vitas et omnia sua con- 
tenta et a ; V. m. in prima s. q. p.a ' Me. dicit j M. 1 seu ardore ; 
Me.V. sui ardoris k Me.V. quod 

1 In illustration of the doctrine expounded in this section 
Giuliani and Moore (Studies, iii. 335) refer to Par. xxxi. 22-3; 
Conv. iii. 7, 11. 15-16; 14, 11. 14-28; iv. 21, 11. 47-8; V. E. i. 16, 
11. 48-52. 

2 Par. i. 4-5 : ' Nel ciel che piii della sua luce prende Fu' io '. 
8 Cf. Gonv. ii. 4, 11. 35-7. 

^ 4 Cf. Conv. ii. 4, 11. 17-19, 25, 28 ; 15, 11. 165-7 ; Par. i. 122 ; 
ii. 112. b cf. Par. xxx. 39. 

6 Cf. Conv. ii. 4, 11. 14-16. 7 Cf. Pitrg. xxvi. 63. 


§ 25. Quod autem de divina luce plus recipiat, potest 

455 probari per duo. Primo per suum omnia continere et 
a nullo contineri ; secundo per sempiternam suam a 
quietem sive pacem. Quantum ad primum probatur 
sic : Continens se habet ad contentum in naturali situ, 350 

460 sicut formativum b ad formabile, ut habetur in c quarto 
Physicorum. 1 Sed in naturali situ totius universi primum 
coelum est omnia continens; ergo se habet ad omnia 

465 sicut formativum d ad formabile e ; quod est se habere 
per modum causae. Et quum omnis vis causandi sit 355 
radius quidam profluens f a prima causa, quae Deus est, 2 
manifestum est quod illud coelum quod magis habet 

470 rationem causae, 3 magis de luce divina recipit. 

§ 26. Quantum ad secundum probatur sic : Omne 
quod movetur, movetur propter aliquid quod non habet, 360 
quod est terminus « sui motus ; sicut coelum lunae move- 

475 tur propter aliquam partem sui, quae non habet illud 
ubi ad quod movetur ; et quia sui pars quaelibet non 
adepto quolibet h ubi (quod * est impossibile j ) movetur k 

480 ad aliud, inde est quod semper movetur et nunquam 365 
quiescit, et l est eius appetitus. Et quod dico de coelo 

a M. X M. 2 omit suam b M. 1 M. 2 Me. V.formatum c M. x M. 2 Me.V. 
omit in d M..*Y. formatuum e Witte notes (what Boffitooverlooks) 
that one of the Magliabechi texts (M. 1 or M. 2 ) omits ut habetur quarto 
. . . adformabile f Me.V. influens g V. terminum h Me. et quia 
sui pars quaelibet eius pars adepto ; V. quamlibet eius partem ademptam 
esse quolibet ; 0. et quia pars quaelibet eius non adepto quolibet l Me. 

omits quod J V. impossibile est k V. ideo movetur l 0. ut 

1 Phys. iv. 4. 

2 For this theory that celestial influences are conveyed by 
means of the rays of light of the several heavenly bodies, Moore 
(Studies, iii. 325) compares Conv. ii. 7, 11. 90 ff. ; iii. 14, 11. 32 ff. ; and 
Purg. xxv. 89 ; Par. vii. 74 ; viii. 2-3 ; xix. 90 ; xxix. 29. 

8 Cf. Mon. i. 11, 11. 129-30 ; and see Moore, Studies, iii. 333. 


lunae, intelligendum est de omnibus praeter primum. 
Omne ergo quod movetur, est in aliquo defectu, et non 

485 habet totum suum esse simul. Illud igitur a coelum quod 
a nullo movetur,in se et b in qualibet sui parte habet quid- 370 
quid potest modo perfecto, ita quod c motu non indiget ad 
suam perfectionem. Et quum omnis perfectio sit radius 

490 Primi, quod est in summo gradu perfectionis, manifestum 
est quod coelum primum magis recipit de luce Primi, qui 
est Deus. Ista d tamen ratio videtur arguere ad destruc- 375 

495 tionem antecedentis, 1 ita quod e simpliciter et secundum 
formam arguendi non probat. Sed si consideremus 
materiam eius, bene probat, quia de quodam sempiterno, 
in quo posset f defectus sempiternari : ita quod s, si 

500 Deus non dedit sibi h motum, patet quod non dedit sibi j 380 
materiam J in aliquo egentem. Et per hanc k supposi- 
tionem tenet argumentum ratione materiae ; et similis 
modus arguendi est l ac si diceremus m : si homo est, est 

505 risibile 112 ; nam in omnibus convertibilibus tenet similis 
ratio gratia materiae. Sic ergo patet quod ° quum 385 
dicit, 'in illo coelo quod plus de luce Dei p recipit', 
intelligit circumloqui Paradisum,sive coelum empyreum. 3 

a Me. ergo b Me.V. omit et c V. itaque ; O. eo quod d M. 2 ita 
e V. itaque ; 0. eo quod f Me. potest g 0. itaque h O. illi 

1 O. illi J M.'M. 2 V. naturam k M. 2 et hanc l Me.V. et est 

similis modus arguendi m M.^M.^Me.O. dicerem n M. l M. 2 visibile ; 
V.O. risibilis ° M. 2 Me.V. omit quod p M. 1 rei 

1 Moore {Studies, iii. 330) compares Conv. iv. 12, 11. 123-4 ; Mon. 
ii. 12, 1. 60; A.T. § 12, 11. 1-2; § 13, 11. 1-2; and Conv. iv. 14, 
11. 11-12. 

2 Cf.Arist.,Part.4m'm.iii.lO; andF.^.ii. 1,11.42-4. Theevidence 
of three (Me. M. 1 M. 2 ) out of the four MSS. points to the neuter. 

3 On the argument employed in this section, which Moore 
describes as ' both obscure and highly technical ', see his Studies, 
iii. 328-30. 


510 § 27. Praemissis quoque rationibus consequenter a 
dicit Philosophus in primo De Coelo, 1 quod b coelum 
' tanto c habet honorabiliorem materiam d istis e inferio- 390 

515 ribus, quanto magis elongatum est ab his quae hic ' f 2 . 
Adhuc etiam g posset adduci quod dicit Apostolus ad 
Ephesios de Christo : * Qui ascendit super omnes coelos, 
ut impleret h omnia'. 3 Hoc est coelum deliciarum 

520 Domini ; de quibus deliciis dicitur contra Luciferum per 395 
Ezechielem : ' Tu signaculum similitudinis, sapientia 
plenus et perfectione decorus, 1 4 in deliciis Paradisi Dei j 
fuisti'. 5 

525 § 28. Et postquam dixit quod fuit in loco illo Para- 
disi per suam circumlocutionem, prosequitur dicens se 400 
vidisse aliqua quae recitare non potest qui descendit. 6 
Et reddit causam, dicens quod * intellectus in tantum 

a Me. consonanter uel consequenter ; 0. consonanter b Me.V. ubi dicit 
quod c V. tantum d V. materiam honorabiliorem e 0. suis 

1 Me.O. hic sunt g MJM. 2 ^ h Me.V. adimpleret ! 0. perfectvs 
decore J Me. Bei Paradisi 

1 De Coelo, i. 2. Moore (Studies, iii. 330) compares Conv. iii. 5, 
11. 38 ff. ; A. T. § 4, 11. 1-7 ; § 23, 11. 14 ff. ; also Conv. ii. 4, 11. 32-4 ; 
for the principle here enunciated. 

2 This, the reading of M. 1 M. 2 V., is confirmed by the text of 
the Antiqua Translatio of the De Coelo from which Dante is here 
quoting : ' . . . tanto honorabiliorem habens naturam, quanto 
quidem plus elongatum est ab his quae hic \ 3 Ephes. iv. 10. 

4 This, the reading of all four MSS., has been altered by the 
editors so as to make the quotation conform to the text of the 
Vulgate as we have it. 

5 Ezek. xxviii. 12-13 ; cf. Inf. xxxiv. 34 ; Purg. xii. 25-6 ; Par. xix. 
46-8. The application of this prophecy of Ezekiel against 'the 
prince of Tyre ' to Lucifer was, as Moore points out (Studies, iii. 
341-2), a common patristic interpretation. 

6 Par. i. 5-6 : ' vidi cose che ridire Ne sa, ne puo chi di lassii 
discende '. 


530 profundat se ' in ipsum desiderium suum, quod est Deus a , 
' quod memoria sequi non potest '.* Ad quae intelli- 
genda sciendum est, quod intellectus" humanus in hac 405 
vita, propter connaturalitatem et affinitatem quam habet 

535 ad substantiam intellectualem separatam, 2 quando ele- 
vatur, in tantum elevatur ut memoria post reditum 
deficiat, propter transcendisse humanum modum. Et 
hoc b insinuatur nobis per Apostolum ad Corinthios 3 410 

540 loquentem, ubi dicit : ' Scio hominem c (sive in corpore d , 
sive extra corpus, nescio, Deus scit), raptum usque ad 
tertium coelum, 6 et audivit arcana verba, f quae non 

545 licet homini loqui \ 4 Ecce, postquam 8 humanam ratio- 
nem intellectus ascensione h transierat, quae * extra se 415 
agerentur J non recordabatur. Hoc etiam k est insinua- 

a V. omits in ipsum . . . quod est Deus b M. 1 omits hoc c 0. 

huiusmodi hominem d V. corpus e O. quoniam raptus est in Paradisum 
1 Me.V. vidit arcana verba ; M. 1 viditarcana Dei e V. per quam ; M. 1 
per quem h M. X V. ascensionem ; Me. ascensio ! Me.V. qui j Me. 
V. ageretur k Me. et hoc 

1 Par. i. 7-9 : ' Perche, appressando se al suo disire, Nostro 
intelletto si profonda tanto, Che retro la memoria non puo ire '. 

2 That is, the angels ; cf. Conv. ii. 5, 1. 6 : ' sustanze separate ' 
(so iii. 7, 1. 47 ; 8, 1. 143) ; Conv. iii. 4, 1. 92 : ' sustanze partite da 
materia ' ; Purg. xviii. 49 : 'forma sustanzial, che setta E da materia' 

3 2 Cor. xii. 2-4. 

4 Here again the modern Vulgate text has been substituted for 
the MS. reading by the editors. If the MS. reading (with the 
correction of audivit for vidit) represents what Dante wrote, he 
must have been quoting from memory, several of the phrases of 
the original being transposed in the quotation ; the actual Vulgate 
text of 2 Cor. xii. 2-4 is : ' Scio hominem in Christo ante annos 
quatuordecim (sive in corpore nescio, sive extra corpus nescio, 
Deus scit), raptum huiusmodi usque ad tertium coelum. Et scio 
huiusmodi hominem (sive in corpore, sive extra corpus, nescio, 
Deus scit), quoniam raptus est in paradisum, et audivit arcana 
verba, quae non licet homini loqui.' 


tum a nobis in Matthaeo, 1 ubi tres discipuli ceciderunt 
550 in faciem suam, nihil postea recitantes, quasi obliti. Et 
in Ezechiele 2 scribitur : ' Vidi et cecidi in faciem meam \ 
Et ubi ista invidis non sufficiant, legant Richardum b de 420 
sancto Victore 3 in libro De Contemplatione 4 ; legant 
555 Bernardum 5 in libro De Consideratione 6 ; legant Augu- 

a M. X V. insinuatur b 0. Ricardum 

1 Matt. xvii. 1-8. 2 Ezek. i. 28 {Vulg. ii. 1). 

3 Riohard of St. Victor, chief of the mystics of Cent. xii, is placed 
by Dante among the great doctors of the Church in the Heaven of 
the Sun, Par. x. 131-2: 'Riccardo, Che a considerar fu piu che 
viro \ 

4 Otherwise known as Beniamin maior (see Gardner, Dante and the 
Mystics, pp. 43 n., 165) : * Cum enim per mentis excessum supra 
sjve intra nosmetipsos in divinorum contemplationem rapimur, 
exteriorum omnium statim imo non solum eorum quae extra nos, 
verum etiam eorum quae in nobis sunt omnium obliviscimur. Et 
item cum ab illo sublimitatis statu ad nosmetipsos redimus, illa 
quae prius supra nosmetipsos vidimus in ea veritate vel claritate 
qua prius perspeximus ad nostram memoriam revocare omnino 
non possumus. Et quamvis inde aliquid in memoria teneamus, 
et quasi per medium velum et velut in medio nebulae videamus, 
nec modum quidem videndi, nec qualitatem visionis compre- 
hendere, vel recordari sufficimus. Et mirum in modum remini- 
scentes non reminiscimur, et non reminiscentes reminiscimur, 
dum videntes non pervidemus, et aspicientes non perspicimus, 
et intendentes non penetramus' (iv. 23). 

6 St. Bernard of Clairvaux, ' il santo sene ' of Par. xxxi. 94 ; 
' quel contemplante ', Par. xxxii. 1 ; Dante's guide when Beatrice 
leaves him. 

6 Written towards the close of St. Bernard's life, between 1149 
and 1153, and dedicated to Eugenius III (see Gardner, Dante and 
ihe Mystics, pp. 123 ff.). Dante apparently refers to the following 
passage : ' At omnium maximus [viator], qui spreto ipso usu rerum 
et sensuum, quantum quidem humanae fragilitati fas est, non 
ascensoriis gradibus, sed inopinatis excessibus avolare interdum 
contemplando ad illa sublimia consuevit. Ad hoc ultimum genus 
illos pertinere reor excessus Pauli ' (v. 2, § 3). 


stinum * in libro De Quantitate Animae? et non invide- 
bunt. a Si vero in dispositionem elevationis tantae 
propter b peccatum loquentis oblatrarent c 3 , legant 425 

560 Danielem, ubi et Nabuchodonosor invenient contra 
peccatores aliqua vidisse divinitus, oblivionique man- 
dasse. 4 Nam ' Qui oriri solem suum facit super bonos et 

565 malos, et pluit super iustos et iniustos \ 5 aliquando 
misericorditer d ad conversionem °, aliquando severe ad 430 
punitionem, plus et minus, ut vult, gloriam suam quan- 
tumcumque male viventibus manifestat. 

570 § 29. Vidit ergo, ut dicit, aliqua ' quae referre nescit 
et nequit rediens ' G . Diligenter quippe notandum est 

a Me. et non invideant alias et non invidebunt b M. 1 per c Me. 

oblaterent d Me. misericorditus e V. omits ad conversionem 

1 St. Augustine, whom Dante places in the Celestial Rose in the 
Empyrean, Par. xxxii. 35 ; cf. Epist. viii. 116, and note. 

2 A short work, in the form of a dialogue, written c. 388, within 
two years of St. - Augustine's conversion (see Gardner, op. cit., 
pp. 44 ff.). * Dante seems to have had in mind the following 
passage : ' Iam vero in ipsa visione atque contemplatione veritatis, 
quae septimus atque ultimus animae gradus est (neque iam gradus, 
sed quaedam mansio, quo illis gradibus pervenitur), quae sint 
gaudia, quae perfruitio summi et veri boni, cuius serenitatis atque 
aeternitatis afflatus, quid ego dicam ? Dixerunt haec quantum 
dicenda esse iudicaverunt, magnae quaedam et incomparabiles 
animae, quas etiam vidisse ac videre ista credimus. Illud plane 
ego nunc audeo tibi dicere, nos si cursum quem nobis Deus 
imperat, et quem tenendum suscepimus, constantissime tenueri- 
mus, perventuros per Virtutem Dei atque Sapientiam ad summam 
illam Causam, vel summum Auctorem, vel summum Principium 
rerum omnium . . . ' (xxxiii. 76). On Dante's collocation of these 
three mystical writers, see Gardner, op. cit, pp. 42-3. 

3 Cf. the similar use of latrare in Conv. iv. 3, 1. 59. 

4 Dan. ii. 3-5. On Dante's interpretation of this passage, see 
Moore, Studies, iii. 342. 

6 Matt. v. 45. 6 Par. i. 6. 


quod dicit ' nescit et nequit \ Nescit quia a oblitus, 435 

575 nequit quia, si b recordatur c et contentum d tenet, sermo 
tamen deficit. Multa namque per intellectum videmus, 6 
quibus signa vocalia desunt ; quod satis Plato insinuat 
in suis libris per assumptionem metaphorismorum, 

580 multa enim per lumen intellectuale vidit quae sermone 440 
proprio nequivit exprimere. 

§ 30. Postea dicit se dicturum illa quae de regno 
coelesti retiriere potuit ; et hoc dicit esse materiam sui 

585 operis ; quae qualia sint et quanta, in parte executiva 
patebit. 445 

§ 31. Deinde quum dicit : * O bone Apollo V etc., f 
facit invocationem suam. Et dividitur ista pars in 
partes duas : in prima invocando petit ; in secunda sua- 

590 det Apollini petitionem factam, remunerationem quan- 
dam praenuntians g ; et incipit secunda pars ibi : ' O 450 
divina virtus \ 2 Prima pars dividitur in partes duas : 

595 in prima petit divinum auxilium ; in secunda tangit 
necessitatem suae petitionis, quod est iustificare ipsam 
ibi h : 'Hucusque alterum iugum Parnassi *, 8 etc* 

§ 32. Haec est sententia secundae partis prologi in 455 

600 generali : in speciali vero non exponam ad praesens. 
Urget J * enim me rei familiaris angustia, ut k haec et alia 
utilia rei publicae 4 derelinquere * oporteat. Sed spero 
de Magnificentia vestra, ut m alias 11 habeatur ° procedendi 

605 ad utileni expositionem facultas. 460 

a Me. qui D V. et si c Me. recordatus d V. conceptum e V. 
videmus per intellectum f Me. omits etc. g Me. pronuntians n O. 
ipsam ; et incipit ibi * Me. omits etc. * Me. urguit k V. ita ut 
1 V. omittere m M. 1 ita ut n M. 1 aliter ° M. 1 habetur 

1 Par. i. 13 ff. 2 p ar .i. 22 ff. 

s Par. i. 16 ff. « C f. Mon. i. 1, 11. 16-17. 

2165 O 


§ 33. De a parte vero b executiva,quae fuit divisa iuxta c 
totum prologum, nec dividendo * nec sententiando quid- 
quam d dicetur ad praesens ; nisi hoc, quod ibi e pro- 

610 cedetur ascendendo de coelo in coelum, et recitabitur f 
de g animabus beatis inventis in h quolibet orbe, et quod x 465 
vera illa j beatitudo in sentiendo k veritatis principium 1 

615 consistit 2 ; ut patet per Iohannem 3 ibi : 4 Haec est vita 
aeterna m 4 , ut cognoscant te Deum verum ', etc. ; et per 
Boetium in tertio De Consolatione 5 ibi : 4 Te cernere 
finis \ Inde est quod ad ostendendum n gloriam beati- 470 

620 tudinis in illis animabus, ab eis, tamquam videntibus 
omnem veritatem, 6 multa quaerentur ° quae magnam 
habent utilitatem et delectationem. 7 Et quia, invento 
principio seu primo, videlicet Deo, nihil est quod ulterius 

625 quaeratur, quum sit Alpha et O p 8 , idest principium et 475 

a M. l V. in b V. omits vero c M.^Me. contra d Me. quocg 
e M. X V. ubi; Me. ubique f M. J Me.V. recitatur g M.^Me.V. in 

h V. et l M. X V. qua; Me. quia j Me.V. illa vera k M.^Me.V. 
sententiae ' M. x Me.V. principio m M. 2 0. vera beatitudo n V. 

ostendendam ° M. x Me. quaeruntur p V. Alpha et Omega; M. ] M. 2 
A ; Me. Aetw; O. A et 

1 Cf. Dante's similar practice of 'dividing' the poems of the 
Vita Nuova and Convivio for the purposes of his commentary on 
them ; e. g. V. N. § 3, 11. 91-5 ; § 7, 11. 38-49 ; § 8, 11. 35-44, &c. ; 
and Conv. ii. 2, 11. 58-74 ; 13, 11. 75-7 (where ' non e qui mestiere 
di procedere dividendo, e a lettera sponendo ' corresponds exactly 
to the phrase ' nec dividendo nec sententiando ' in the text) ; iii. 
1, 11. 100-11 ; iv. 2, 11. 1-19 ; 3, 11. 2-17, &c. 

2 Moore (Studies, iii. 331) compares Par. xxviii. 106-11 ; and 
xiv. 40-2. 3 John xvii. 3. 

4 This is the reading of the Vulgate, and of three MSS. (M 1 . Me. 
V.)lout of the four. 5 Cons. Phil. iii. met. 9. 

6 On this attribute of the glorified spirits of ' seeing all things in 
God ', see Moore, Studies, iii. 332. 

7 Moore (Studies, iii. 298) compares Conv. iv. 4, 11. 136-7. 

8 Dante, though he was probably ignorant of the Greek charac- 


finis, ut visio Iohannis designat, 1 in ipso Deo terminatur 
tractatus, qui est benedictus in saecula saeculorum a . / 

a M.'M. 2 V. add Explicit Epistola Dantis 


To the magnificent and most victorious Lord, tJie Lord Can 
Grande della Scala, Vicar-General ofthe most Jwly princi- 
pality of Caesar in tJie city ofVerona, and town of Vicenza, \ 
Jiis most devoted servant, JDante AligJiieri, a Florentine by ^T 
birtJi, not by disposition, prayetJi long and Jiappy life, and 
perpetual increase of the glory of Jiis name. 

§ 1. The illustrious renown of your Magnificence, which 
wakeful Fame spreads abroad as she flies, affects divers 

ters, certainly was acquainted with the name alpha, as is proved 
by Par. xxvi. 17 ; but there is no evidence that he was acquainted 
with the word omega, though (if the editors are to be trusted) it 
occurs in some of the early commentaries on the Commedia (e. g. in 
Jacopo della Lana, Ottimo Comento, Pietro di Dante, Benvenuto 
da Imola, Buti, and Anonimo Fiorentino). Of three MSS. of the 
Vulgate consulted in the Bodleian two (Laucl Lat. 8, of Cent. xii ; 
and Laud Lat. 9, of Cent. xiii) have ' alpha et cu ' in Rev. i. 8 ; xxi. 6; 
xxii. 13 ; while the third (Laud Lat. 10, of Cent. xiii) has ' a et w \ 
The word was unknown to Evrard de Bethune, who in his Graecis- 
mus registers, not omicron and omega, but otomicron and otomega (i. e. 
6 to fUKpov and o to fiiya) : ' Quodque micros breve sit comprobat 
otomicron'' (viii. 211) ; ' Quartaque vocalis oto sit, fit ab hoc otomega' 
(viii. 232). Similarly, Giovanni da Genova in his Catholicon says 
(s. v. Otomega) : l Aficros interpretatur brevis sive minor. Et com- 
ponitur cum oto quod estapud grecos nomen istius elementi o; et 
dicitur otomicron, quasi minor o, quo nomine vocant hoc elementum 
o quum breviatur, et figuram illius representativam sic factam o ; 
quum vero producitur vocant illud elementum, et illius representa- 
tivam figuram sic factam qj, otomega, quasi o longa, ab oto quod est o, 
et mega vel megalon quod est longum.' It should be noted that 
under Alpha Giovanni da Genova, in quotingEeu. i. 8, writes: 'ego 
sum alpha et o, principium et finis ' ; and that Dante himself in 
Par. xxvi. 17 writes, not ' Alfa ed Omega ', but ' Alfa ed \ 
1 Rev. i. 8 ; xxi. 6 ; xxii. 13. 



persons in divers ways, so that some it uplifts with the 
hope of good fortune, while others it casts down with the 
dread of destruction. The report whereof, overtopping 
all deeds of recent times,I erstwhile did deem extravagant, 
as going beyond the appearance of truth. But that con- 
tinued uncertainty might not keep me longer in suspense, 
even as the Queen of the South sought Jerusalem, and as 
Pallas sought Helicon, so did I seek Verona, in order to 
examine with my own trusty eyes the things of which 
I had heard. And there was I witness of your splendour, 
there was I witness and partaker of your bounty ; and 
whereas I had formerly suspected the reports to be some- 
what unmeasured, I afterwards recognized that it was 
V the facts themselves that were beyond measure. Whence 
it came to pass that whereas through hearsay alone, with 
acertain subjection of mind, I had previously become well 
disposed towards you, at the firs,t sight of you * I became 
your most devoted servant and friend. 

§ 2. Nor do I think that in assuming the name of 
friend I shall lay myself open to a charge of presumption, 
as some perchance might object; inasmuch as unequals 
no less than equals are united by the sacred tie of friend- 
ship. For if one should examine friendships which have 
been pleasant and profitable, it will be evident that in 
many cases the bond has been between persons of 
superior station and their inferiors. And if our atten- 
tion be directed to true friendship for its own sake, shall 
we not find that the friends of illustrious and mighty 
princes have many a time been men obscure in condition 
but of distinguished virtue ? Why not? since even the 
friendship of God and man is in no wise impeded by the 
disparity between them. But if any man consider this 
assertion unseemly, let him hearken to the Holy Spirit 
when it declares that certain men have been partakers of 
its friendship. For in Wisdom we read, concerning 

1 \ Ex visu primordii ', for ' ex visus primordio ' (see Torri, op. cit. 
p. 108, n. 13). Foscolo (Discorso sul Testo del Poema cli Danie, p. 178) 
and Fraticelli render ' al primo vedervi'; Passerini, l al primo 
conoscervi '. 


wisdom : ' For she is a treasure unto men that never 
faileth ; which they that use are made partakers of the 
friendship of God\ But the common herd in their 
ignorance judge without discernment ; and even as they 
imagine the sun to be a foot across, so they judge with 
regard to questions of conduct ; and they are deceived by 
their foolish credulity with regard to both the one and the 
other matter. But it does not become us, to whom it has 
been given to know what is best in our nature, to follow 
in.the footsteps of the common herd ; nay, rather are we 
bound to oppose their errors. For those who have vigour 
of intellect and reason, being endowed with a certain 
divine liberty, are not restricted by precedent. Nor is 
this to be wondered at, for it is not they who receive 
direction from the laws, but rather the laws from them. 
It is manifest, therefore, that what I said above, namely 
that I was your most devoted servant and friend, in no 
wise savours of presumption. 

§ 3. Esteeming, then, your friendship as a most precious 
treasure, I desire to preserve it with assiduous forethought 
and anxious care. Therefore, since it is a doctrine of 
ethics that friendship is equalized and preserved by reci- 
procity, it is my wish to preserve due reciprocity in 
making a return for the bounty more than once conferred 
upon me. For which reason I have often and long 
examined such poor gifts as I can offer, and have set them 
out separately, and scrutinized each in turn, in order to 
decide which would be the most worthy and the most 
acceptable to you. And I have found nothing more 
suitable even for your exalted station than the sublime 
cantica of the Comedy which is adorned with the title of 
Paradise ; this, then, dedicated to yourself, with the 
present letter to serve as its superscription, I inscribe, 
offer, and in fine commend to you. 

§ 4. TsTor does the simple ardour of my affection permit 
me to pass over in silence the consideration that in this 
offering there may seem to be greater honour and fame 
conferred on the patron than on the gift ; the rather that 
in the address I shall appear to such as read with attention 


to have given utterance to a forecast as to the increase of 
the glory of your name — and this of set purpose. But 

\ eagerness for your favour, for which I thirst, heedless of 
envy, will urge me forward to the goal which was my aim 
from the first. And so, having made an end of what 
I had to say in epistolary form, I will now in the capacity 
of commentator essay a few words by way of introduction 
to the wol^whicTTis offered for your acceptance. 

§ 5. As the Philosopher says in the second book of the 
Metaphysics, ' as a thing is in respect of being, so is it in 
respect of truth ' ; the reason of which is, that the truth 
concerning a thing, which consists in the truth as in its 
subject, is the perfect likeness of the it is. Now 
of things which exist, some are such as to have absolute 
being in themselves ; while others are such as to have 
their being dependent upon something else, by virtue of 
a certain relation, as being in existence at the same time, 
or having respect to some other thing, as in the case of 
correlatives, such as father and son, master and servant, 
double and half, the whole and part, and other similar 
things, in so far as they are related. Inasmuch, then, as 
the being of such things depends upon something else, it 
follows that the truth of these things likewise depends 
upon something else ; for if the half is unknown, its 
double cannot be known ; and so of the rest. 

§ 6. If any one, therefore, is desirous of offering any 
sort of introduction to part of a work, it behoves him to 
furnish some notion of the whole of which it is a part. 
Wherefore I, too, being desirous of offering something by 
way of introduction to the above-mentioned part of the 
whole Comedy, thought it incumbent on me in the lirst 
place to say something concerning the work as a whole, 
in order that access to the part might be the easier and 
the more perfect. There are six points, then, as to which 
inquiry must be made at the beginning of every didactic 

" work ; namely, the subject, the author, the form, the aim, 
the title of the book, and the branch of philosophy to 
which it belongs. Now of these six points there are three 
in respect of which the part which I have had in mind to 

iJU i '<\A f < ' sa^ 



address to you differs from the whole work ; narnely, the 
subject, the form, ancl the title ; whereas in respect of the 
others there is no difference, as is obvious to any one who 
considers the matter. Consequently, in an examination 
of the whole, these three points must be made the subject 
of a separate inquiry ; which being done, the way will be 
sufficiently clear for the introduction to the part. Later 
we will examine the other three points, not only with 
reference to the whole work, but also with reference to 
the particular part which is offered to you. \ 

§ 7. For the elucidation, therefore, of what we have to \ 
(say, it must ba understood that the meaning of this work 
fis not of one kind only ; rather the work may be described 
as ' polysemous *, that is, having several meanings ; for 
the first meaning is that which is conveyed by the letter, 
and the next is that which is conveyed by what the letter 
signjjie&-; the former of which is called literal, while 
the latter is called allegorical, or mystical. And for the 
better illustration of this method of exposition we may 
apply it to the following verses : ' When Israel went out 
of Egypt, the house of Jacob from a people of strange 
language ; Judah was his sanctuary, and Israel his a J 
dominion \ For if we consider the letter alone, the thing 
signified to us is the going out of the children of Israel 
from Egypt in the time of Moses ; if the^ allegory, our 
redemption through Christ is signified ; if the moral 
sense, the conversioh~~6TThe soul from the sorrow and 
misery of sin to a state of grace is signified ; if the 
anagogical, the passing of the sanctified soul from the 
bondage of the corruption of this world to the liberty 
of everlasting glory is signified. And although these 
mystical meanyigs are called by various names, they mayy 
one and all in a general sense be termed 'allegoricaif 
inasmuch as they ave different (diversfy from tfre~ "litsrsthoi? 
historical ;/for the word ' allegory ' is so called from the 
Greek alleon, which in Latin is alienum (strange) or j 
diversum (different). 

§ 8. This being understood, it is clear that the subject, 
with regard to which the alternative meanings are brought 

a^K j**?* 


into play, must be twofold. And therefore the subject of 
this work must be considered in the first place from the 
point of view of the literal meaning, and next from that 
of the allegorical interpretation. The subject, then, of the 
whole work, taken in the literal sense only, is the state of 
souls after death, pure and simple. For on and about 
that the.argument of the whole work turns. If, however, 
the work be regarded from the allegorical point of view, 
the subject is man according as by his merits or demerits 
in the exercise of his free will he is deserving of reward 
or punishment by justice. 

§ 9. And the form is twofold — the form of the treatise, 
and the form of the treatment. The form of the treatise. 
is threefold, according to the threefold division. The first 
division is that whereby the whole work is divided into 
three cantiche ; the second, whereby each cantica is 
divided into cantos : and the third, whereby each canto is 
divided into rhymed lines. The form or manner of treat- 
ment is-poetic, fictive. descriptive, digressive, and figura- 
tive ; and further, it is definitive, analyticaj, probative, 
refutative, and exemplificative, 

§ 10. The title of the book is l Here begins the Cowiedy 
of Dante AligKieri, a Florentine by birth, jiot by disposi- 
tion \ For the understanding of which it must be noted 
that ' comedy ' is so called from comos, a yillage, and oda, 
a song ; whence comedy is as it were a ' rustic song '. 
Now comedy is a certain kind of poetical narration which 
differs from all others. It differs, then, from tragedy in 
its subject-matter, in that tragedy at the beginning is 
admirable and placid, but at the end or issue is foul and 
horrible. And tragedy is so called from tragos, a goat, 
and oda ; as it were a ' goat-song ', thatis to say fojUiike. 
a goat, as appears from the tragedies of Seneca. Whereas 
comedy begins with sundry adverse conditions, but ends 
happily, as appears from the comedies of Terence. And 
for this reason it is the custom of some writers in their 
salutation to say by way of greeting : ' a tragic beginning 
and a comic ending to you ! ' Tragedy and comedy differ 
likewise in their style of language ; for that of tragedy is 


high-flown and sublime, while that of comedy is unstudied 
and lowly. And this is implied by Horace in the Art of 
Poetry, where he grants that the comedian may on 
occasion use.the language of tragedy, and vice versa; 

Yet sometimes comedy her voice will raise, 
And angry Chremes scold with swelling phrase ; 
And prosy periods oft our ears assail 
When Telephus and Peleus tell their tragic tale. 

,And from this it is clear that the present work is to be 
described as a comedy. For if we consider the subject- 
matter, at the beginning it is horrible and foul, as being 
Hell ; but at the close it is happy, desirable, and pleasing, 
as bei ng Paradise. As regards the style of language, 
the style is unstudied and lowly, as being in the vulgar . pj 
tongue, in which even women-folk hold their talk. And 
hence it is evident why the work is called a comedy. 
And there are other kinds of poetical narration, such as 
the pastoral poem, the elegy, the satire, and the votive 
song, as may also be gathered from Horace in the Art of 
Poetry ; but of these we need say nothing at present. 

§ 11. It can now be shown in what manner the subject 
of the part offered to you is to be determined. For if the -| 
subject of the whole work taken in the literal sense is L~ 
the state of souls after death, pure and simple, without 
limitation ; it is evident that in this part the same state 
is the subject, but with a limitation, namely the state of 
blessed souls after death. And if the subject of the whole 
work from the allegorical point of view is man according 
as by his merits or demerits in the exercise of his free will 
he is deserving of reward or punishment by justice, it is 
evident that in this part this subject has a limitation, and 
that it is man according as by his merits he is deserving . 
of reward by justice. 

§ 12. In like manner the form of the part is determined 
by that of the whole work. For if the form of the treatise 
as a whole is threefold, in this part it is twofold only, the 
division being that of the cantica and of the cantos. The 
first division (into cantiche) cannot be applicable to the 

ion, iL 
of thef 
;ate oA 


form of the part, since the cantica is itself a part under 
the first division. 

§ 13. The title of the book also is clear. For the title 
of the whole book is ' Here begins the Comedyl, &c, as 
above ; but the title of thejDiartjs ' Here begins thejhird 
cantica of the Comedy of Dante, which is called Paradisc'. 

§ 14. These three points, in which the part differs from 
the whole, having been examined, we may now turn our 
attention to the other three, in respect of which there is 
no difference between the part and the whole. The 
author, then, of the whole and of the part is the pejrson 
mentioned above, who is seen to be such throughout. 

§ 15. The aim of the whole and of the part might be 
manifold ; as, for instance, immediate and re.mote. But 
leaving aside any minute examination of this question, 
l may be stated briefly that the aim of the whole and 
part 'is to remove those living in this life from a state 
misery, and to bring them to a state of happiness. 

§ 16. The brarich of philosophy to which the work is 
subject, in the whole as in the part, is that of morals or 
ethics ; inasmuch as the whole as well as the part was 
conceived, not for speculation, but with a practical object. 
For if in certain parts or passages the treatment is after 
the manner of speculative philosophy, that is not for the 
sake of speculation, but for a practical purpose ; since, as^ 
the Philosopher says in the second book of the Metapliysks : 
1 practical men occasionally speculate on things in their 
particular and temporal relations V 

§ 17. Having therefore premised these matters, wemay 
now apply ourselves to the exposition of the literal 
meaning, by way of sample ; as to which it must first bel 
understood that the exppsition of the letter is in effect butT 
a demonstration of the form.of the work. The part h^ 
question then, that is, this third cantica which is called 
Paradise, falls by its main division into two parts, namely 
v the prologue, and the executive part ; which second part 
begins : 

Surge ai mortali per diverse foci. 

1 See note on this passage, p. 179, n. 3. 


§ 18. As regards the first part, it should be noted that 
although in common parlance it might be termed an 
exordiunij yet, properly speaking, it can only be termed 
a prologue ; as the Philosopher seems to indicate in the 
third book of his Bhetoric, where he says that ' the proem 
in a rhetorical oratioh answers to the prologue in poetry, 
and to the prelude in flute-playing \ It must further be 
observed that this preamble, which may ordinarily be v 
termed an exordium, is one thing in* the hands of a poet, 
and another in those of an orator/For orators are wont 
to give a forecast of what they are about to^say, in order 
to gain the attention of their hearers.y^ow poets not 
only do this, but in addition they make use of some sort 
o { invocation afterward s. And this is fitting in their case, 
for they hava ne^d of invoc ation in a l arge, ni^snrft, infls- p 

"TOl Ty , tto r hwft uto » m}i Wtirtf^m«™ r nftin r for v * 

somethmg beyond the ordmary range of human powers^ w-|" 
somethiny almosTTin the nature of a divine ff ifb/ There- 
fore the present prologue is divided into two parts : in the 
first is given a forecast of what is to follow ; in the second \ 
is an invocation to Apollo ; which second part begins : 

buono Apollo, alFultimo lavoro, &c. 

§ 19. With reference to the first part it must be ob- 
served that to make a good ex ordium three things are 
requisite, as ^ull v savs in his \Nevo Bhetoric^ that the 
hearer, namely, snould be^rendered favourably disposed,0 
attenthte, and willing to^iearn ; and this is especially 
needful in the case of a subject which is out of the 
common, as Tully himself remarks. Inasmuch, then, as 
the subject dealt with in the present work is out of the 
common, it is the aim of the first part of the exordium 
or prologue to bring about the above-mentioned three 
results with' regard to this out-of-the-way subject. For 
the author declares that he will relate such things as he 
who beheld them in the first heaven was able to retain. 
In ^ whicfr stateme nt all those three thiijgs are co mprised; 
f or the profitableness of what L e. is a.bmit. tn i^ialdJbfigets 
a favourable^disposition in the hearer ; its being out of 




the cjmimon engages his attentjon ; a nd its being wi thjp. 

the range oT possibiIity_renderj5 him.JHdlling---tQ leafn. 

Its profitableness he gives to be understood when he 

says that he shall tell of that which above all things 

excites the longing of mankind, namely the'joys of 

Paradise ; its uncommon nature is indicated when he 

^promises to treat of such exalted and sublime matters as 

the conditions of the celestial kingdom ; its being within 

*the range of .possibility is demonstrated when he says that 

he will tell otf those things which he was able to retain in 

his mind — for if he was able, so will others be also. All 

this is indicated in the passage where he declares that he 

had been in the first heaven, and that he purposes to 

relate concerning the celestial kingdom whatsoever he 

i $ XrXF^ aD ^ e t° storeup , like a t reasure, in hi s mind. Having 

f \i<S*^bhus noted the jexcellence and perfection^ of the first part 

L$**-£ of the prologue, we may now proceed to the literal ex- 

?^ g aL position. 

;V<* # > § 20. He says, then, that 'the glory of the First Mover', 
ricJt which is God, 'shines forth in every part of the universe', 
rj^ but in such wise that it shines ' in one part more and in 
^*» another less \ That it shines in every part both reason 
and authority declare. Eeason thus : Everything which 
exists has its being either from itself, or from some other 
thing. But it is plain that self-existence can be the 
attribute of one being only, namely the First or Begin- 
ning, which is God^ since to have being does not argue 
necessary self-existence, and necessary self-existence apper- 
tains to one being only, namely the First or Beginning, 
which is the cause of all things ; therefore everything 
which exists, except that One itself, has its being from 
some other thing. If, then, we take, not any thing 
whatsoever, but that thing which is the most remote in 
the universe, it is manifest that this has its being from 
, . something ; and that from which it derives either has its 
being from itself, or from something else. If from itself, 
then it is primal ; if from something else, then that again 
must either be self-existent, or derive from something 
else. But in this way we should go on to infinity in the 


chain of effective causes, as is shown in the second book 
of the ^ta^jmsics. So we must come to a primal exis- 
tence, which is "God. Hence, mediately or immediately, 
everything that exists has its being from Him, because, 
inasmuch as 1 the second cause has its effect 2 from the first, 
its influence on what it acts upon 3 is like that of a body 
which receives and refiects a ray ; since the first cause is 
the more effective cause. And this is stated in the book 
On Causes, namely, that 'every primary cause has influence 
in a greater degree on what it acts upon 3 than any second 
cause '. So much with regard to being. , 

§ 21. With regard to essence I argue in this wise : 
Every essence, except the first, is caused ; otherwise there 
would be more than one necessarily self-existent being, 
which is impossible. For what is caused is the effect 
either of nature or of intellect ; and what is of nature is, 
consequently, caused by intellect, inasmuch as nature is 
the work of intelligence. Everything, then, which is 
caused is the effect, mediately or immediately, of some 
intellect. Since, then, virtue follows the essence whose 
virtue it is, if the essence is of intellect, the virtue is 
wholly and solely of the intellectual essence whose effect 
it is. And so, just as we had to go back to a first cause 
in the case of being, so now we must do so in the case of 
essence and of virtue. Whence it is evident that every 
essence and every virtue proceeds from a primal one ; and 
that the lower intelligences have their effect 4 as it were 
from a radiating body, and, after the fashion of mirrors, 
reflect the rays of the higher to the one below them. 
Which matter appears to be discussed clearly enough by 
Dionysius in his work On the Celestial Hierarcliy. And 
therefore it is stated in the book On Causes that ' every 
intelligence is full of forms '. Keason, then, as we have 
seen, demonstrates that the divine light, that is to say the 
divine goodness, wisdom, and virtue, shines in every part. 

1 Ex eo quod. 

2 Recipit, here used absolutely, as in § 21, 1. 402. 

3 Causatum. 

4 Recipiant, used absolutely, as in § 20, 1. 376. 



§ 22. Authority likewise declares the same, but with 
more knowledge. For the Holy Spirit says by the mouth 
of Jeremiah : ' Do not I fill heaven and earth ? ' And in 
the Psalm : l Whither shall I go from thy Spirit ? and 
whither shall I flee from thy presence ? If I ascend up 
into heaven, thou art there ; if I descend into hell, thou 
v art there also. If I take my wings,' &c. And Wisdom 
says: 'The Spirit of the Lord hath filled the whole 
world '. And Ecclesiasticus, in the forty-second chapter : 
' His work is full of the glory of the Lord '. To which 
also the writings of the pagans bear witness ; for Lucan 
says in his ninth book: 

Jupiter is whatever thou seest, wherever thou goest. 

§ 23. He says well, then, when he says that the divine 
ray, or divine glory, ' penetrates and shines through the 
universe ' ; penetrates, as to essence ; shines forth, as to 
being. And what he adds as to * more and less ' is mani- 
festly true, since we see that one essence exist s in a. mnm 
excel lent degree, and another in_ajess ; as is ciearly the 
< case with regard to the heaven and the ejements, the 
former being incorruptible, while the latter are corrup- 

§ 24. And having prem ised this truth, he next goes on 
to indic a te Pfr radise by a j S c^Hnfoftnjffii^ and says that 
he was~in that iieaven which receives the glory of God, or 
his light, in most bountiful measure. As to which it 
must be understood that that heaven is the highest heaven, 
which contains all the bodies of the universe, and is con- 
tained by none, within which all bodies move (itself re- 
maining everlastingly at rest), and which receives virtue 
froni no corporeal substance. And it is called thdQEmgJk- 
reari^ vhich is as much as to say, the heaven glowing with 
nreor heat ; not that there is material fire or heat therein, 
• but spiritualj which is holy love, or charity. 

§ 25. Now that this heaven receives more of the divine 
light than any other can be proved by two things. 
Firstly, by its containing all things, and being contained 
by none ; secondly, by its state of everlasting rest or 


coY^o*^ ■+ Ve^b 


peace. As to the first the proof is as follows : The con- 
taining body stands in the same relation to the content in 
natural position as the formative does to the formable, as ^ . i 
we are told in the fourth book of the Physics. But in the " 
natural position of the whole universe the first heaven is 
the heaven which contains all things ; consequently it is 
related to all things as the formative to the formable, 
which is to be in the relation of cause to effect. And since 
every causative force is in the hature of a ray emanating 
from the first cause, which is God, it is manifest that that 
hea yen which is in th e highest .de^re^cjausaJiyejre^e^yes ((^l c 
most oi" frhe divine light .~ 

§ 26. As to the second the proof is this : Everything 
which has motion moves because of something which it , 
has not, and which is the terminus of its motion. The 
heaven of the moon, for instance, moves because of some 
part of itself which has not attained the station towards 
which it is moving ; and because no part whatsoever of it 
has attained any terminus whatsoever (as indeed it never 
cah), it moves to another station, and thus is always in 
motion, and is never at rest, which is what it desires. 
And what I say of the heaven of the moon applies to all , 
the other heavens, except the first. P.vQyything, frnfTli i **• ' 

^hlffh h ac 1 rT**™" i g i" *t\mt> rogpor»f ^gfopHv^ fl,nd h^ff ^\'y« 

not its whole bejj ng'i ^rtmplpfp That heaven, therefore, co*~\ 
which is subject to no movement, in itself and in every jj . P& 
part whatsoever of itself has whatever it is capable of rwtfvM 
having in perfect measure, so that it has no need ofojc*r*< 
motion for its perfection. And since every perfection is ^jj^ 
a ray of the Primal One, inasmuch as He is perfection in ^ 
the highest degree, it is manifest that the first heaven 
receives more than any other of the light of the Primal 
One, which is God. This reasoning, however, has the 
appearance of an argument based on the denial of the 
antecedent, in that it is not a direct proof x and according 
to syllogistic form. But if we consider its content 2 it is 
a good proof, because it deals with a thing eternal, and 
assumes it to be capable.of being eternally defective ; so 

1 Simpliciter. y 2 Materiam. 


that, if God did not give that heaven motion, it is evident 
that He did not give it material in any respect defective. 
And on this supposition the argument holds good by 
reason of the content ; and this form of argument is much 
the same as though we should reason : ' if he is nian, he 
is able to laugh ' ; for in every convertible proposition 
a like reasoning holds good by virtue of the content. 
Hence it is clear that when the author says 'in that 
t heaven which receives more of the light of God ', he 
intends by a circumlocuti.Qn to indicate Paradise, or the 
heaven of the Empyrean. 1 

§ 27. And in agreement with the foregoing is what the a • 
Philosopher says in the first book On Heaven t namely ■* 
that c a heaven has so much the more honourable material 
than those below it as it is the further removed from 
terrestrial things '. In addition to which might be adduced 
" what the Apostle says to the Ephesians of Christ : ' Who 
ascended up far above all heavens, that He might fill all 
things '. This is the heaven of the delights of the Lord ; 
of which delights it is said by Ezekiel against Lucifer : 
' Thou, the seal of similitude, 2 full of wisdom, beautiful in 
perfection, 3 wast in the delights of the Paradise of God'. 4 

§ 28. And after he has said that he was in that place of 
Paradise which he describes by circumlocution, he goes 
on to say that he saw certain things which he who deseends 
therefrom is powerless to relate. And he gives the 
reason, saying that 'the intellect plunges itself to such 
depth ' in its very longing, which is for God, ' that the 
memory cannot follow '. For the understanding of which 
it must be noted that the human intellect in^this life, by 
reason of its connaturality and affinity to the separate 
intellectual substance, when in exaltation, reaches such 
a height of exaltation that after its return to itself 

1 For help in rendering some of the technical passages in this 
and other sections I am indebted to my friend the late Dr. C. L. 
Shadwell, Provost of Oriel. 

2 A. V. ' Thou sealest up the sum \ 

3 Vulg. 'perfectus decore' ; A.V. 'perfect in beauty\ 

4 A. V. ' Thou hast been in Eden the garden of God \ 



m ^mory fails 7 since it has transcended t he range o_f hunian 
faculty. And this is conveyed to us by the Apostle 
where he says, addressing the Corinthians : ' I know 
a man (whether in the body, or out of the body, I cannot 
tell ; God knoweth) how that he was caught up to the Lc*xc-r, 
third heaven, and heard unspeakable words, which it is not 
lawful for a man to utter '. Behold, after the intellect 
had passed beyond the bounds of human faculty in its 
exaltation, it could not recall what took place outside of 
its range. This again is conveyed to us in Matthew, where 
we read that the three disciples fell on their faces, and 
record nothing thereafter, as though memory had failed 
them. And in Ezekiel it is written : * And when I saw 
it, I fell upon my face '. And should these not satisfy the 
cavillers, let them read Eichard of St. Victor in his book 
On Contemplation ; let them read Bernard in his book On 
Consideration ; let them read Augustine in his book On tlxe 
Capacity oftheSoul; and they will cease from their cavilling. 
But if on account of the s infulness of the speaker ,they 
should cry out against hisdaim to have reached such a 
height of exaltation, let them read Daniel, where they will 
find that even Nebuchadnezzarby divine permission beheld 
certain things as a warning to sinners, and straightway 
forgot them. For He * who maketh his sun to shine on the 
good and on the evil, and sendeth rain on the just and on 
the unjust', sometimes in compassion for their conversion, 
sometimes in wrath for their chastisement, in greater or 
lesser measure, according as He wills, manifests his glory 
to evil-doers, be they liever so evil. 

§ 29. He saw, then, as he says, certain things ' which 
he who returns has neither knowledge hor power to 
relate'. Now it must be carefully noted that he says 
' has neither knowledge nor power ' — knowledge he has 
not, because he has forgotten ; power he has not, because 
even if he remembers, and retains it thereafter, neverthe- 
less speech fails him. For we perceive many things by 
the intellect for which language has no terms— a fact 
which Elatainjdic^tes plainly enough in his books by his 
employment of jnetaphors ; for he perceived many things 




by the light of the intellect which his everyday language 
was inadequate to express. 

§ 30. Afterwards the author says that he will relate 
concerning the celestiaT kingdom such things as he was 
able to retain ; and he says that this is the subject of his 
work ; the nature and extent of which things will be 
shown in the executive part. - 

§ 31. Then when he says : ' buono Apollo ', &c, he 
makes his invocation. And this part is divided into two 
parts — in the first, he invokes the deity and makes 
a petition ; in the second, he inclines Apollo to the 
granting of his petition by the promise of a certain 
recompense ; which second part begins : ' divina virtti \ 
The first part again is divided into two parts — in the first, 
he prays for divine aid ; in the second, he adverts to the 
necessity for his petition, whereby he justifies it ; and this 
part begins : 

Infino a qui 1'un giogo di Parnaso, &c. 

§ 32. This is the general meaning of the second part of 
the prol flgue ; the particular meaning I shall not expound 
on the present occasion ; for anxiety as to my domestic 
i affairs l presses so heavily upon me that I must perforce 
(j abandon this and other tasks of public utility. I trust, 
however, that your Magnificence may afford me the 
opportunity to continue this useful exposition at some 
other time. 

§ 33. With regard to the executive part of the work, 
which was divided after the same manner as the prologue 
taken as a whole, ^L-shall ^eay nothing either as to its 
divisions or its interpretatifcn at present ; save only that 
the process of the narrative will be by ascent from heaven 
to heaven, and that an account will be given of the blessed 
spirits who are met with in each sphere ; and that their 
true blessedness consists in the apprehension of Him who 
is the beginning of truth, as appears from what John 

1 I follow Biagi here in taking the reference to be not to 
' straitened circumstances ', but to the pressure of family affairs ; 
see Bull. Soc. Dant. Ital, N.S. xvi. 29. 


says : ' This is life eternal, to know thee the true God ', 
&c. ; and from what Boetius says in his third book On 
Cpnsolation : ' To behold thee is the end '. Hence it is 
that, in order to reveal the glory of the blessedness of 
those spirits, many things which have great profit and 
delight will be asked of them, as of those who behold the 
fullness of truth. And since, when the Beginning or 
First, which is God, has been reached, there is nought to 
be sought for beyond, inasmuch as He is Alpha and 
Omega, that is, the Beginning and the End, as the Vision 
of John tells us, the work ends in God Himself, who is 
blessed for evermore, world without end. 


Lettera di Dante Alighieri Poeta Fiorentino a M. Guido da 
Polenta, Signor di Bauenna x 

Al Magnifico M. Guido da Polenta 


Ogni altra cosa m' harei piu tosto creduto uedere, che 
quello che corporalmente ho trouato & ueduto delle 
qualita di questo eccelso Dominio. Minuit presentia 
famam : accioche io mi uaglia di quel passo di Vergilio. 
Io m' haueua fra me medesimo imaginato di douere trouar 
qui quei nobili & magnanimi Catoni, & quei rigidi censori 
de deprauati costumi, in somma tutto quello ch' essi con 
habito pomposissimo simulando, uogliono dar credere alla 
Italia misera & afflitta, di rappresentare in se stessi: & 
forse che non si fanno chiamare Reru dominos, gentemq; 
togatam. Misera ueramente & mal condotta plebe ; da 
che tanto insolentemente oppressa, tanto uilmente signo- 
reggiata, & tanto crudelmete uessata sei da questi huo- 
mini nuoui destruttori delle leggi antiche, et auttori 

1 For translation of this letter, see Introduction, pp. xxxiii ff. 



<T ingiustissime corruttele. Ma che ui diro io, Signore, 
della ottusa & bestiale ignoranza di cosi graui & uenera- 
bili padri? Io per non defraudare cosi la grandezza 
uostra, come F auttorita mia, giugnendo alla preseza di 
si canuto & maturo collegio, uolsi fare 1'ufficio mio & 
1'ambasciata uostra in quella lingua, la quale insieme 
con 1'imperio della bella Ausonia e tuttauia andata & 
adera sSpre declinando : credendo forse ritrouarla in questo 
estremo angulo sedere in maesta sua, per andarsi poi 
diuulgando insieme con lo stato loro per tutta Europa 
almeno : ma oime che non altramente giunsi nuouo e 
incognito pellegrino, che se teste fossi giunto dall' es- 
trema & occidentale Thile ; anzi poteua io assai meglio 
qui ritrouare interprete allo straniero idioma, s' io fossi 
uenuto da i fauolosi Antipodi, che non fui ascoltato con 
la facondia Komana in bocca: perche non si tosto pro- 
nuntiai parte dell' essordio, ch' io m' haueua fatto a 
rallegrarmi in nome uostro della nouella elettione di 
questo serenissimo Doge ; Lux orta est iusto & rectis 
corde letitia ; che mi fu mandato a dire o ch' io cercassi 
d' alcuno interprete, o che mutassi fauella. Cosi mezzo 
fra stordito & sdegnato, ne so qual piu, cominciai alcune 
poche cose a dire in quella lingua, che portai meco dalle 
fasce : la quale fu loro poco piu familiare & domestica, 
che la latina si fosse. Onde in cambio d'apportar loro 
allegrezza & diletto, seminai nel fertilissimo campo del- 
1' ignorantia di quegli abondantissimo seme di marauiglia 
& di confusione. Et non e da marauigliarsi punto, che 
essi il parlare Italiano non intendano : perche da progeni- 
tori Dalmati & Greci discesi, in questo gentilissimo 
terreno altro recato non hanno, che pessimi & uitupero- 
sissimi costumi, insieme con il fango d' ogni sfrenata 
lasciuia. Perche m'e paruto darui questo breue auiso 
della legatione che per uostra parte ho essequita: pre- 
gandoui che quantunque ogni autorita di comandarmi 
habbiate, a simili imprese piu non ui piaccia mandarmi : 
delle quali ne uoi riputatione, ne io per alcun tempo 
consolatione alcuna spero : Fermerommi qui pochi giorni, 
per pascer gli occhi corporali naturalmente ingordi della 


nouita & uaghezza di questo sito : & poi mi trasferiro al 
dolcissimo porto dell' otio mio, tanto benignamente ab- 
bracciato dalla real cortesia uostra. 

Di Vinegia alli xxx di Marzo m ccc xiiii. 

I/humil seruo uostro Dante Alighieri Fiorentino. 


From Dante's Priorate (1300) to his death (1321). 

1300. June 15-Aug. 15. Dante's Priorate. 

June 24. Banishment of the leaders of the 

Bianchi and Neri factions from Florence. 
Aug. Death of Guido Cavalcanti. 

1301. May. The Neri (Cino da Pistoja presumably 

amongthem) expelled from Pistoja. (Villani, 

viii. 45.) 
Oct. The Bianchi of Florence send an embassy 

to Kome to Boniface VIII (Dino Compagni,ii. 4), 

of which Dante was a member. (Dino, ii. 25 ; 

Ottimo Comento, ii. 577.) 
Nov. 1. Charles of Valois, sent by Boniface VIII 

as pacificator, enters Florence and treacherously 

espouses the cause of the Neri, who attack and 

pillage the houses of the Bianchi. (Vill. viii. 

Nov. 9. Cante de' Gabrielli of Gubbio elected 

Podesta of Florence. (Dino, ii. 19.) x 

1302. Jan. 27. First sentence (of heavy fine and banish- 

ment for two years) issued by Cante de' Gabrielli 
against Dante (in his absence) and three others 
for malversation in office. 2 

1 See Del Lungo, Dino Compagni e la sua Cronica, vol. ii, p. 197, 
n. 17. 

2 See Del Lungo, DelV Esilio di Dante, pp. 97-103. 


1302. March 10. Second sentence (of death by burning) 

issued by Cante de' Gabrielli against Dante and 

fourteen others for contumacy. 1 

Final expulsion of the Bianchi from Florence. 

(Vill. viii. 49 ; Dino, ii. 23.) 
April. Charles of Valois departs from Florence, 

leaving the Neri in possession. (Vill. viii. 49 ; 

Dino, ii. 25.) 2 
May. The Florentine Neri and Luechese, under 

Moroello Malaspina, make an expedition against 

Pistoja and capture Serravalle. (Vill. viii. 52.) 
June 8. Convention arranged between the Ubal- 

dini, and the Ghibellines and Florentine Bian- 

chi, at a meeting at San Godenzo in the Val 

di Sieve, at which Dante was present among 

the Florentine exiles. 3 
June-Sept. Warfare in the Mugello between the 

exiled Florentines and their allies, and the Neri 

of Florence. (Vill. viii. 53 ; Dino, ii. 29.) 

1303. March. Renewed warfare in the Mugello. (Vill. 

viii. 60; Dino, ii. 30.) 
Oct. 11. Death of Pope Boniface VIII. 
Oct. 22. Election of Pope Benedict XI. 

1304. Jan. 31. Cardinal Niccolo da Prato appointed 

pacificator in Tuscany by Benedict XI. (Vill. 

viii. 69 ; Dino iii. 1.) 
March 10. Cardinal Niccolo arrives in Florence 

as pacificator. (Vill. viii. 69 ; Dino, iii. 4.) 
JEpistola i. (To the Cardinal Niccolo), written 

probably between March 1 and June 4. 4 
June 4. Cardinal Niccolo, having failed in his 

mission, departs from Florence, leaving the city 

under an interdict. (Vill. viii. 69 ; Dino, iii. 7.) 5 

1 See Del Lungo, DelV Esilio di Dante, pp. 104-6 ; and Dino Com- 
pagni, ii. 25. 

2 According to some accounts Charles left Florence in the previous 
February (see Del Lungo, Dino Compagni e la sua Cronica, vol. ii, 
p. 212, n. 1). 

3 See Del Lungo, Dino Compagni e la sua Cronica, vol. ii, pp. 569-70. 
* See above, pp. 3-4. 5 Dino gives the date as June 9. 


1304. Epistola ii. (To the Counts Oberto and Guido 
da Bomena), probably written about this time. 1 

July 7. Death of Pope Benedict XI. 

July 20. Abortive attempt from Lastra of the 
Florentine exiles (from which Dante, who by 
now had probably dissociated himself from his 
fellow exiles, appears to have held aloof) to 
eifect their return to Florence by force of arms. 
(Vill. viii. 72 ; Dino, iii. 10.) 

The De Vulgari Eloquentia probably written 
in this year. 2 

1305. June 5. Election of Pope Clement V. 

Dec. Kestoration of the Colonna Cardinals.^ 
c. 1305-6. Epistola iii (iv). (To Cino da Pistoja), prob- 
ably written about this time. 4 

1306. April. The exiled Neri (Cino da Pistoja pre- 

sumably among them) return to Pistoja. (Vill. 
viii. 82; Dino, iii. 15.) 
Oct. 6. Dante at Sarzana in Lunigiana acts as 
procurator for the Malaspini in their dispute 
with the Bishop of Luni. 5 

1307. July 7. Death of Edward I of England ; accession 

of his son, Edward II. 

1308. May 1. Death of the Emperor Albert I. 
Oct. 6. Death of Corso Donati. 6 

Nov. The Convivio probably finished (so far as 

completed) by this date. 7 
Nov. 27. Election of Henry of Luxemburg 

(Henry VII) as Emperor. (Vill. viii. 101 ; 

Dino, iii. 23.) 

1 See above, pp. 12-13. 

2 See Ferrers Howell, in Temple Classics Translation of Latin 
Works of Dante, p. 119 ; and Wicksteed, in Translation of Convivio, 
p. 423. 

3 See above, p. 140, n. 4 See above, pp. 20-1. 

5 See Report XI (1892) of the Cambridge (U.S.A.) Dante Society, 
pp. 15-24. 

6 See Del Lungo, Dino Compagni e la sua Cronica, vol. ii, p. 338, 
n. 10. 

7 See Wicksteed, in Translation of Convivio, pp. 420-2. 


c. 1308-9. Epistola iv (iii). (To the Marquis Moroello 
Malaspina), probably written about this time. 1 

1309. Jan. 6. Henry VII crowned at Aix-la-Chapelle. 2 

(Vill. viii. 102.) 
May 6. Death of Charles II, King of Naples ; 

accession of his son Robert. 
June 2. Henry VII sends an embassy to Clement V 

at Avignon.* 
June. Coronation of King Robert at Avignon. 4 
July 26. Clement V's first encyclical (' Divinae 

Sapientiae '), recognizing and confirming the 

election of Henry VII. 5 
August. Henry's expedition into Italy decided 

upon at the Diet of Spires. 6 

1310. May 10. Henry sends ambassadors to the chief 

cities of Italy to announce his coming to receive 
the Imperial crown at Rome. 7 

July 3. Henry's ambassador arrives in Florence ; 
the Florentines return an insolent reply to the 
Emperor, 8 and in defiance of his bidding con- 
tinue (July-Sept.) their operations against 
Arezzo. (Vill. viii. 119-20; Dino, iii. 35.) 

Aug. The Florentines make alliances with King 
Robert of Naples and the Guelf cities of Tuscany 
and Lombardy in order to oppose the Emperor's 
advance into Italy. (Vill. ix. 7.) 

1 See above, pp. 31-2. 

2 The coronation ceremony of the Emperor was threefold — 
firstly, at Aix, with a silver crown, as King of Germany ; secondly, 
at Monza (in Henry's case at Milan), with an iron crown, as King 
of Italy (or of the Eomans) ; thirdly, at Eome, with a crown of 
gold, as Emperor. (See Del Lungo, Dino Compagni e la sua Cronica, 
vol. ii, p. 360, nn. 6, 8; p. 346, n. 1.) 

3 See F. Bonaini, Acta Henrici VII, Romanorum Imperatoris, i. 1-3. 

4 See Del Lungo, Dino Compagni e la sua Cronica, vol. ii, p. 355, 
n. 25. 

5 See Bonaini, op. cit., pp. 3-5. 

6 See Bohmer, Regesta Imperii, p. 267. 

7 See Bohmer, op. cit, pp. 267, 275. 

8 Flavio Biondo records that Dante, who was at this time at 
Forli, wrote an account of this incident to Can Grande — see above, 


1310. Sept. 1. Clement V's second encyclical (' Exultet 

in gloria'), calling upon all good Christians, 

and the Italians in particular, to receive and 

honour Henry as Emperor. 1 
Sept. 30. King Kobert arrives in Florence. (Vill. 

ix. 8.) 

Epistola v. (To the Princes and Peoples of 

Italy), written about this time. 2 
Oct. 10. The Emperor arrives at Lausanne, where 

he is welcomed by ambassadors from Italian 

cities, with the exception of Florence. (Vill. 

ix. 7.) 3 
Oct. The Emperor crosses the Alps by the Mt. 

Cenis, reaching Susa on Oct. 24, and Turin on 

Oct. 30. 4 
Oct. 24. King Kobert leaves Florence. (Vill. 

ix. 8.) 
Nov. 10-Dec. 12. The Emperor at Asti, where 

he receives Guelf and Ghibelline exiles, and 

nominates Imperial Vicars in various cities of 

Italy. 6 (Vill. ix. 9.) 
Nov. 30. The Florentines decide to fortify their 

city against the coming of the Emperor. (Vill. 

ix. 10.) 6 
Dec. 23. The Emperor enters Milan. (Vill. 

ix. 9.) 7 

1311. Jan. 6. The Emperor is crowned with the iron 

crown at Milan 8 (Vill. ix. 9 ; Dino, iii. 26) ; 
Dante probably present at the ceremony . (Epist. 
vii. 38-46.) 
Feb. 20. Cremona, incited by Florence, rebels 
against the Emperor. (Vill. ix. 11 ; Dino, iii. 

1 See Bonaini, op. cit., pp. 42-5. 2 See above, pp. 44-5. 

3 Villani antedates Henry's arrival at Lausanne— see Zingarelli, 
Dante, p. 257. 

4 Zingarelli, op. cit., p. 258. 5 Zingarelli, loc. cit. 

6 Cf. Epist. vi. 76-80. 

7 See Del Lungo, JDino Compagni e la sua Cronica, vol. ii, p. 359, n. 1. 

8 See above, p. 216, n. 2. 


1311. March. Brescia rebels against the Emperor. (Vill. 

ix. 11.) 
March 31. Epistola vi. (To the Florentines.) 
Aprill7. Epistola vii. (TotheEmperorHenryVII.) 
April 19. The Emperor leaves Milan in order to 

reduce Cremona and the other rebellious cities 

of Lombardy. 1 
April-May. The Emperor besieges and takes 

Cremona. (ViU. ix. 14-15 ; Dino, iii. 28.) 
Can Grande della Scala takes possession of 

Vicenza on behalf of the Emperor. (Vill. ix. 


Epistolae vii*, vii**. (To the Empress Mar- 

garet), written about this time. 2 
April-June. The Florentines recall their Guelf 

exiles, and enroll the Guelfs of Tuscany in a 

league against the Emperor. (Vill. ix. 16, 17.) 
May 18. Epistola vii***. (To the Empress Mar- 

garet.) 8 
May 19. The Emperor lays siege to Brescia. 

(Vill. ix. 15, 20 ; Dino, iii. 29.) * 
Sept. 2. The proclamation, known as the 'Ri- 

forma di Messer Baldo d" Aguglione', issued 

at Florence, whereby pardon is offered to 

certain of the Florentine exiles, while others, 

Dante among them, are expressly excepted by 

name. 5 
Sept. 19. Brescia surrenders to the Emperor. 

(Vill. ix. 20 ; Dino, iii. 29.) 6 
Sept. 24. The Emperor enters Brescia, the for- 

tifications of which he causes to be razed. (Vill. 

ix. 20; Dino, iii. 29.) 7 

1 See Del Lungo, op. cit., p. 367, n. 32. 

2 See above, p. 108. 3 See above, pp. 116-17. 

4 For the date, see Del Lungo, op. cit., p. 375, n. 12. 

5 See Paget Toynbee, Life of Dante (ed. 1910), pp. 94-5 ; and Del 
Lungo, DelV Esilio di Dante, pp. 107 ff. 

6 Villani says Sept. 16, but see Del Lungo, Dino Compagni e la sua 
Cronica, vol. ii, p. 379, n. 38. 

7 For the date, see Del Lungo, op. cit., pp. 379-80, nn. 38, 44. 


1311. Oct. 2. The Emperor leaves Brescia. 1 

Can Grande appointed Imperial Vicar in 

Verona. (Vill. ix. 20.) 

The Florentines and Lucchese fortify their 

frontiers against the approach of the Emperor. 

(Vill. ix. 21.) 

The Emperor sends ambassadors to Florence ; 

the Florentines refuse to receive them. 2 (Vill. 

ix. 26.) 
Oct. 21. The Emperor arrives in Genoa. (Vill. 

ix. 24 ; Dino, iii. 30.) 
Nov. 20. He cites the Florentines to appear before 

him. 8 (Vill. ix. 29.) 
Dec. 14. Death of the Empress Margaret at 

Genoa. (Vill. ix. 28; Dino, iii. 30.) 4 
Dec. 15. King Kobert sends troops to help the 

Florentines and Lucchese to oppose theEmperor. 

(Vill. ix. 31.) 
Dec. The Guelfs of Brescia rebel against the 

Emperor, and are expelled by Can Grande della 

Scala. (Vill. ix. 32.) 

Parma and Reggio, aided by the Florentines 

and Tuscan Guelfs, rebel against the Emperor. 

(Vill. ix. 32 ; Dino, iii. 31.) 
Dec. 24. The Emperor proclaims Florence under 

the ban of the Empire. 5 
1312. Jan. 10. Cremona rebels against the Emperor and 

expeis his Vicar. (Vill. ix. 34.) 
Jan. 11. The Emperor's deputy arrives in Pisa, 

and begins operations against the Florentines. 

(Vill. ix. 35.) 
Feb. Can Grande appointed Imperial Vicar in 

Vicenza. 6 

1 Del Lungo, op. cit, p. 381, n. 1. 

2 For an account of their treatment, see Del Lungo, Ba Boni- 
fazio VIII acl Arrigo VII, pp. 435-41. 

3 Del Lungo, op. cit., p. 441. 

4 For the date, see Del Lungo, Bino Compagni, vol. ii, p. 384, n. 26. 
fi Del Lungo, Ba Bonifazio VIII ad Arrigo VII, p. 441. 

6 See Torraca, Studi Banteschi, p. 255 n. 


1312. Feb. 15. The Paduans. aided by the Florentines 
and Bolognese, rebel against the Emperor and 
expel his Vicar. (Vill. ix. 36.) 

Feb. 16. The Emperor sails from Genoa for Pisa. 
(Vill. ix. 37 ; Dino, iii. 35.) 

March 6. He arrives in Pisa, 1 on his way to Rome 
to be crowned. (Vill. ix. 37 ; Dino, iii. 35.) 

April 16. King Robertfs brother, Prince John, 
arrives in Rome and joins forces with the 
Orsini, in opposition to the Emperor. (Vill. ix. 
39 ; Dino, iii. 36.) 

April 23. The Emperor leaves Pisa, and goes by 
way of the Maremma to Viterbo, whence he 
proceeds to Rome and forces an entrance with 
the help of the Colonna (May 7). (Vill. ix. 40.) 

May. King Roberfs troops and the Guelfs of 
Tuscany assemble in force in Rome to oppose 
the coronation of the Emperor. (Vill. ix. 39.) 

June 29. St. Peter's being in the hands of King 
Roberfs forces, the Emperor is crowned in the 
church of St. John Lateran by the Cardinal 
Niccolo da Prato, Bishop of Ostia, and two other 
Cardinals. (Vill. ix. 43; Dino, iii. 36.) 2 

Aug. The Emperor arrives in Tuscany, and pro- 
ceeds to Arezzo, where he makes preparations 
for the siege of Florence. (Vill. ix. 45.) 

Sept. 19. He begins the siege, and remains before 
the city till the end of October. The Florentines 
receive large reinforcements from the Guelfs of 
Tuscany and Romagna, but will not risk an 
engagement. (Vill. ix. 47.) 

Oct. 31. The Emperor raises the siege, and retires 
to San Casciano, where he remains until Jan. 6, 
1313. (Vill. ix. 48.) 

1 It has been conjectured that Dante was in Pisa with the 
Emperor at this time, and that it was on this occasion that 
Petrarch as a boy saw Dante for the only time in his life. (See 
Del Lungo, Da Bonifazio VIII ad Arrigo VII, p. 430.) 

2 Both Villani and Dino give the date as Aug. 1 ; but see Del 
Lungo, Dino Compagni, vol. ii, pp. 410-11, n. 15. 


1313. Jan. 7. He removes to Poggibonsi, where he 

remains until March 6. (Vill. ix. 48.) 
March 9. He returns to Pisa, whence he issues 

a proclamation against Florence, depriving the 

city of all its dignities and privileges. (Vill. 

ix. 49.) 
June. The Florentines confer the lordship of 

Florence upon King Kobert of Naples for five 

years. 1 (Vill. ix. 56.) 
Aug. 5. The Emperor leaves Pisa on his way 

south to encounter King Kobert (Vill. ix. 51) ; 

he encamps on the banks of the Arbia at Monta- 

perti, 2 where he falls ill, and from there proceeds 

to Buonconvento near Siena. (Vill. ix. 52.) 
Aug. 24. Death of the Emperor at Buonconvento ; 

his body is conveyed to Pisa for burial. (Vill. 

ix. 52, 53.) 
Aug. 27. The Florentines address an exultant 

letter to their allies announcing the death of 

their enemy, ' the savage tyrant, Henry Count 

of Luxemburg \ 3 

1314. March 30. Alleged letter of Dante from Venice 

to Guido da Polenta. 4 
April 20. Death of Pope Clement V. (Papal See 

vacant until Aug. 1316.) 
May-June. Epistola viii. (To the Italian Cardinals), 

probably written at this time. 5 
July 14. Irruption of the Gascons into the Conclave 

at Carpentras. 6 
Oct. 20. Election of the Emperor Louis IV. 
Nov. Death of Philip IV of France ; accession of 

his son, Louis X. 

1315. May 19. Proclamation in Florence of a general 

1 Del Lungo, Da Bonifazio VIII ad Arrigo VII, p. 452. 

2 The scene of the disastrous defeat of the Florentine Guelfs 
fifty-three years before (Sept. 4, 1260), to which Dante refers, 
Inf. x. 85-6. 

3 Del Lungo, Dino Compagni, vol. i, pp. 637-8. 

4 See above, pp. 211-13 ; and Introduction, pp. xxxii ff. 

5 See above, pp. 124-6. 6 See above, pp. 124-6. 


1315. amnesty to the exiles (Dante being implicitly 
included), on condition of their paying a fine 
and undergoing the 'oblatio ' l in San Giovanni. 2 

Epistola ix. (To a Frien d in Florence), written 

at this time. 3 
Aug. 29. Disastrous defeat of the Florentines 

and Tuscan Guelfs by the Ghibellines under 

Uguccione della Faggiuola at Montecatini. (Vill. 

ix. 71, 72.) 
Nov. 6. Fresh sentence (of beheading on the 

place of public execution) against Dante and 

others (including his sons). 4 

Dante the guest of Can Grande at Verona 

probably about this tinie. 5 

1316. June 2. Lando da Gubbio, chief magistrate of 

Florence, proclaims a fresh amnesty to certain of 
the exiles, those originally condemned by Cante 
de' Gabrielli in 1302 (Dante among them) being 
expressly excluded. 6 

June 5. Death of Louis X of France ; accession 
of his brother, Philip V. 

Aug. 7. Election of Pope John XXII. 

1317. Sept. 20. The Ghibellines of Lombardy, under 

Can Grande, besiege Cremona (Vill. ix. 88) ; 
and make an expedition against the Paduans, 
taking several of their strong places (Vill. 
ix. 89). 

Dante about this time becomes the guest of 
Guido Novello da Polenta at Kavenna. 
Dec. Can Grande appointed Imperial Vicar in 
Verona and Vicenza by Frederick of Austria. 

1318. Feb. The Paduans make terms with Can Grande, 

and undertake to reinstate the Ghibellines in 
Padua. (Vill. ix. 89.) 

1 See above, p. 154, n. 4. 

2 See A. Della Torre, in Bull. Soc. Dant. Ital, N.S. xii. 149-50, 
152. 3 Seeabove, p. 152. 

4 See Del Lungo, DelV Esilio di Dante, pp. 148-51. 
6 See Moore, Studies in Dante, iii, pp. 360-1. 
6 See Bull. Soc. Dant. Ital., N.S. xii. 148. 


1318. April. The Ghibellines of Lombardy, under Can 

Grande, take Cremona. (Vill. ix. 91.) 
Dec. 16. Can Grande elected Captain-General of 
the Ghibelline League in Lombardy. 1 

1319. Feb. Giovanni del Virgilio's Carmen ('Pieridum 

vox alma ') addressed to Dante about this time. 2 
Dante's Ecloga i (' Vidimus in nigris ') in reply 
to the above. 3 

The Inferno, Purgatorio, and ten cantos of the 
Paradiso completed at this date. 4 
Aug. Giovanni del Virgilio's Ecloga Resjponsiva 
(' Forte sub irriguos '). 5 

Can Grande captures the suburbs of Padua. 
(Vill. ix. 100.) 

Epistola x. (To Can Grande), probably written 
about this time. 6 

1320. Jan. 20. Dante's dissertation De Aqua et Terra 

at Verona. 
Aug. 25. Can Grande defeated before Padua, 
Uguccione della Faggiuola being killed. (Vill. 
ix. 121.) 

Dante's Ecloga ii ('Velleribus Colchis'), per- 
haps written about this time. 7 

1321. (Summer.) Dante's embassy to Venice on behalf 

of Guido da Polenta. 
Sept. 14. Death of Dante at Ravenna. 

1 See Torraca, Siudi Danteschi, p. 255. 

2 See Wicksteed and Gardner, Dante and Giovanni del Virgilio, 
pp. 122, 218, 235. 

3 See Wicksteed and Gardner, op. cit., p. 125. 

4 Ecl. i. 48-50, 64 ; see above, p. 163, nn. 5, 6. 

5 See Wicksteed and Gardner, op. cit., p. 235. 
c See above, p. 163. 

7 See Wicksteed and Gardner, op. cit., pp. 127, 236. 




Cursus l 

The cursus is the name given to the harmonious 
arrangement, according to prescribed laws, of the words 
at the end of the clause or sentence in prose composition 
— 'artificiosa dictionum structura', as it is defined by a 
thirteenth-century writer on the subject. 2 The mediaeval 
cursus may be described as the lineal descendant of the 
classical cursus, with the substitution of accent for 
quantity ; that is to say, mediaeval Latin prose, when 
written in accordance with the laws of the cursus, was 
accentual or rhythmical, instead of being metrical, like 
the ' prosa numerosa ' of Cicero. 

During the period of transition, which apparently be- 
gan in the latter half of the fourth century, and is usually 
reckoned to close with Gregory the G-reat (540-604), 
before the stress of the accent had altogether obliterated 
the recognition of quantity, there prevailed a style which 
was characterized by a mixture of the two — cursus mixtus, 
as it has been called — some of the clausulae being metri- 

1 For this account, which is reprinted in part from the Modern 
Language Review (xiii. 420 ff.), I am largely indebted to the paper 
on The Cursus in Mediaeval and Vulgar Latin by Professor A. C. Clark 
(Oxford, 1910) ; to the second edition of II Cursus nella Storia 
Letteraria e nella Liturgia of Angelo De Santi (Rome, 1903) ; and 
to chapter iv of R. L. Poole's Lectures on the History of the Papal 
Chancery (Cambridge, 1915). 

2 Buoncompagno di Firenze — the passage is quoted by Thurot in 
his Histoire des Doctrines grammaticales au Moyen Age (in Notices et 
Uxtraits des Manuscrits, xxn. ii. 480) : ' Appositio que dicitur esse 
artificiosa dictionum structura, ideo a quibusdam cursus vocatur, 
quia, cum artificialiter dictiones locantur, currere sonitu delectabili 
per aures videntur cum beneplacito auditorum.' 


cal, while others follow the accent without regard to the 
quantity. 1 At the end of this period the employment of 
rhythmical prose seems to have fallen into abeyance.- 

A revival took place in the eleventh century, when the 
rhythmical cursus was adopted by the Roman Curia and 
was the subject of elaborate rules. 3 'The prose of this 
period ', writes Professor Clark, ' was largely epistolary ' ; 
in which term are included ' not merely private letters, 
but elaborate and courtly compositions sent to ecclesiasti- 
cal dignitaries, and diplomatic documents proceeding from 
the Papal Chancery. . . . The usual term for such composi- 
tions was diciamen, 4 writers were called dictatores, 6 their 
art was known as ars dictatoria, and handbooks giving 
the rules were styled summa dictaminis.' 6 

The employment of the cursus soon spread beyond the 
confines of the Papal Chancery, and became general, not 
only in epistolary correspondence, but in every form of 
Latin prose composition with any pretension to style and 
elegance 7 — its use in fact became the distinguishing mark 

1 See Clark, op. cit, pp. 10-13. 

a See Clark, op. cit, pp. 12-13, where the following statement of 
the Benedictines of Solesmes is quoted : • A partir de Saint Gregoire 
le Grand le rythme semble s'exiler pour quatre siecles de la prose 
litteraire'. Cf. De Santi, op. cit, p. 12: 'Tutti gli autori sono 
concordi nell' asserire che dal secolo vn in poi la prosa metrica va 
disparendo. A poco a poco la quantita soggiace all 1 impero dell' ac- 
cento e piii non conta, finche si perde ogni traccia di un cursus 
"comechessia cadenzato.' 

8 Clark, op. cit, p. 13. 

4 Dante applies this term to a poetical composition in the 
De Vulgari Eloquentia (ii. 12, 1. 52). 

5 Dante twice uses the word in this sense, viz. in the De Vulgari 
Eloquentia (ii. 6, 1. 46), and in the letter to Can Grande {Epist. x, 
1. 207). 

6 Clark, op. cit., pp. 13-14. 

7 This is brought out in an interesting way by Dante in the 
sixth chapter of the second book of the De Vulgari Eloquentia, in 
which he enumerates four 'degrees of construction ', with instances : 
1 Sunt etenim gradus constructionum quamplures ; videlicet in- 
sipidus, qui est rudium, ut Petrus amat multum dominam Bertam. 
Est pure sapidus, qui est rigidorum scholarium vel magistrorum, 
ut Piget me cunctis pietate maiore quicumque in exilio tabescentes, patriam 
tantum somniando revisunt. Est et sapidus et venustus, qui est 


of a cultivated writer — and it continued to flourish until 
' with the dawn of the Kenaissance the knowledge of 
quantity revived, and the cursus was abandoned as bar- 
barous * . . . and the art of numerosa compositio was lost, 
only to be recovered gradually during the last few years.' 2 
In the mediaeval cursus, which, it must be borne in 

quorundam superficie tenus rhetoricam haurientium, ut Laudabilis 
discretio marchionis Estensis et sua magnificentia praeparata cunctis illum 
facit esse dilectum. Est et sapidus et venustus, etiam et excelsus, 
qui est dictatorum illustrium, ut Eiecta maxima parte Jlorum de sinu 
tuo, Florentia, nequicquam Trinacriam Toiila secundus adiviV (11. 32-48). 
In the last three examples, which are those of a cultivated style, 
the normal rules of the cursus are observed, while in the first, 'qui 
est rudium ', they are ignored. Thus in the second we have 
' (pie)tate maiore ' (planus^,* l (in ex)ilio tabescentes (velox),* 
1 (somni)ando revisunt' (planus) ; in the third, ' (marchi)onis 
Esiensis ' (planus), ' (magnifi)centia praeparata ' (velox), ' esse 
dilectum ' (planus) ; in the last, ' tuo, Florentia' (tardus),* ' (ne)- 
quicquam Trinacriam' (tardus), ' (se)cundus adivit' (planus). It 
may be noted that the cursus is also observed in the example which 
Dante gives, earlier in this same chapter, in the passage in which 
he defines the * constructio ' : 'Est enim sciendum, quod con- 
structionem vocamus regulatam compaginem dictionum, ut Aristo- 
teles philosophatus est tempore AlexandrV (11. 11-14), Hempore 
Alexandri ' constituting a velox. 

1 Clark, op. cit, p. 21. 

2 See N. Valois : Etude sur le Rythme des Bulles Pontiftcales, in 
Bibliotheque de VEcole des Chartes, xlii. 267 ; Clark, op. cit., p. 21 ; and 
Poole, op. cit, p. 76. Cf. De Santi, op. cit., p. 33 : ' II massimo fiore 
del cursus letterario rnedievale si riscontra tra il pontificato d' In- 
nocenzo III (1198-1216) e quello di Nicolo IV (1288-1292). [ Le 
regole rimangono invariate e nelle lettere pontificie non vi ha 
clausola, o intermedia o finale, che non sia regolata col cursus. 
Ma sotto Nicolo IV comincia la dccadenza. I notarii apostolici 
divengono di mano in mano piu negligenti. . . . Nel secolo xiv il 
cursus scompare del tutto nelle nuove Bolle e solo sopravvive nelle 
formole copiate dagli Atti piu antichi, ma senza coscienza alcuna 
dello stile loro proj>rio. La rinascenza aveva fatto gia rifiorire le 
teorie di Cicerone e di Quintiliano, ed i bravi latinisti del cinque- 
cento non badarono piii davvero alle regole del cursus, ma a scriver 
bene, secondo lo stile dell' Eta dell' oro, e a dare una movenza 
armonica al periodo che ritraesse del gusto dei migliori classici, 
a cio aiutandosi specialmente del giudizio dell' orecchio formatosi 
sopra quelli.' 

* For the explanation of these terms, see below, pp. 227-8. 


mind, depends entirely upon accent, not quantity, and in 
which there is no elision, the hiatus being tolerated, three 
principal types of clausula are recognized, which are known 
respectively as planus, tardus, and velox. 

Cursus Planus. 

The cursus planus in its normal form (pl) consists of 
a paroxytone trisyllable (or its equivalent, a monosyllable 
and a paroxytone dissyllable) preceded by a paroxytone 
dissyllable or polysyllable, the caesura falling after the 
second syllable of the clausula ; as, esse | videtur ; vincla | 
perfregit ; longum | sermonem ; dare | non vultis ; (obe)- 
dire | mandatis. 

As in the classical cursus two short syllables might be 
substituted for a long in the clausula, 1 so in the mediaeval 
cursus it was allowable to substitute two unaccented 
syllables for one in the same manner, a licence which 
gave rise to what may be termed alternative or secondary 
forms. Thus the normal form of theplanus (esse videtur ; 
longum sermonem) might be replaced by a secondary 
form (pl% such as, esse | videatur; dona | sentiamus ; 
(perve)nire | mereamur; the caesura falling after the 
second syllable as in the normal form. 2 

Another variation of the normal planus was occasionally 
admitted, without caesura, in which the whole clausula 
was composed of a single word (pl 3 ) ; such as, iudicabatur ; 
transgredientes. 3 

Yet another form, which by some is classed as a variety 
of planus (pl% and by others is placed in a separate 
category styled cursus medius,* consists of a paroxytone 
dissyllable preceded by a proparoxytone trisyllable (or its 
equivalent) or polysyllable, the caesura falling after the 

1 Clark, op. cit., p. 7. 

2 This secondary form is by some classed as cursus trispondaicus ; 
see De Santi, op. cit., p. 25 ; Clark, op. cit., pp. 18, 19. 

3 See Parodi, in Bulleitino della Societa Dantesca Italiana, N.S. xix. 
251 n. 

4 See De Santi, op. cit, p. 26 ; and Clark, op. cit., pp. 18, 19. 

Q 2 


third syllable of the clausula ; as, precibus | nostris ; lit 
pius | pater ; (domi)nabitur | mihi. 1 

Cursus Tardus. 

The normal form of the cursus tardus (t) consists of 
a proparoxytone tetrasyllable (or its equivalent), preceded 
by a paroxytone dissyllable or polysyllable, the caesura 
falling after the second syllable of the clausula, as in the 
planus ; as, esse | videbitis ; vincla | perfregerat ; (oper)ari | 
iustitiam. The final tetrasyllable may be represented 
either by a paroxytone trisyllable followed by a mono- 
syllable ; as, nobis | aggressus est ; (sub)ire | necesse est ; 
or by a proparoxytone trisyllable preceded by a mono- 
syllable ; as, verba | non caperent ; (murmu)rantes | in 

By the substitution, as in the planus, of two unaccented 
syllables for one after the caesura, we get a secondary 
form of the tardus (t 2 ), of the type esse | videamini; 
(vir)tiitis | operatio. 2 

What by some is classed as a variety of the cursus 
tardus (t 3 ), and by others is placed in the category of the 
cursus medius, 3 has the caesura after the third syllable of 
the clausula, which thus consists of a proparoxytone tri- 
syllable preceded by a proparoxytone trisyllable or poly- 
syllable ; as, iiigiter | postulat ; (per)ciititur | impius. 

Cursus Velox. 

The cursus velox in its normal form (v) consists of 
a paroxytone tetrasyllable (or its equivalent) preceded by 
a proparoxytone trisyllable or polysyllable, the caesura 
falling after the third syllable of the clausula; as, om- 
nia | videantur ; vinculum | fregeramus ; (su)siirrio | blan- 
dientem. 4 The final tetrasyllable may be represented 

1 See Parodi, Bull. Soc. Dant. Ital, N.S. xix. 251 n., 259. 

2 This secondary form of tardus is by some classed as dispondeus 
dactylicus ; see De Santi, op. cit, p. 26 ; Clark, op. cit, pp. 18, 19. 

3 See De Santi, op. ciL, p. 26 ; Clark, op. cit., pp. 18, 19. 

4 The grave accent indicates a minor stress, in conformity with 
the observation ' that long words cannot be pronounced without 
the help of minor accents' (see Clark, op. cit., p. 10). 


either by a paroxytone trisyllable preceded by a mono- 
syllable ; as, civitas | est Komana ; (vic)toriam | stint 
adepti ; or by two dissyllables ; as, nesciens j atque 
nolens ; (uten)silia | Dei siimus. > 

As in the case of the planus and tardus, by the substi- 
tution of two unaccented syllables for one after the 
caesura, we get a secondary form of velox (v 2 ), of the type 
fl<§tibus | intemeratus ; callide | considerantes. 

A further variety of the cursus velox (v% which by 
some is designated cursus octosyllabicus, 1 has an additional 
syllable at the end, of the type fletibus | supplicantium ; 
(amari)tudinem | poenitentiae. 

It may be noted in passing that the cursus velox (in its 
normal form) was by far the most popular of the three 
types of clausula in the mediaeval cursus, and was usually 
assigned the post of honour at the end of the period. 2 
De Santi quotes 3 an interesting dictum on this subject 
from one of the mediaeval text-books on dictamen, which, 
as he observes, enforces the point by example as well as 
by precept, the sentence ending with a sonorous velox: 
' Cursus tamen velox maiorem ornatum efficit, et ideo 
a dictatoribus communiter acceptatur.' 

Cursus Medius. 

Besides the normal forms of planus, tardus, and velox, 
and their variations as described above, yet another form 
of clausula was admitted, to which the name of cursus 
medius (m) has been given, 4 consisting of a proparoxytone 

1 See De Santi, op. cit., p. 26 ; Clark, op. cit, pp. 18, 19. 

2 Dante, for example, concludes the De Monarchia with the velox, 
' temporalium gubernator ' ; and his letter to Can Grande (Epist. x) 
with another, ' in saecula saeculorum ' ; so also Epist. iv (iii), 
1 praese"ntium requiratis ' ; Epist. vii, ' in gaudio recole"mus ' ; and 
Epist. viii, ' posteris in exemplum ' ; even the Vita Nuova, which 
ends with a Latin sentence, concludes with a velox, ' saecula 
benedfctus '. 

3 02?. cit., p. 25. 

4 See De Santi, op. cit, p. 26 ; Clark, op. cit., pp. 18, 19 ; and 
Parodi, in Bull. Soc. Dant. Ital., N.S. xix. 256-7. In this category 
are also placed by some the clausulae classed above as planus* and 
tardus 3 (see above, p. 227, n. 4 ; p. 228, n. 3). 


trisyllable (or its equivalent) preceded by a paroxytone 
dissyllable or polysyllable, the caesura falling after the 
second syllable of the clausula ; as, coelum | circuit ; 
(fo)vemu*r | meritis ; (miser)antem | quempiam ; nondum | 
nobis est. 

Table op Clausulae. 

For convenience of reference and comparison the prin- 
cipal types of clausula in the mediaeval cursus, with their 
variations, as formulated above, are here tabulated with 
typical examples. 

Cursus Planus. 

i >, , i / (esse videtur ) , -,, 

K ' ' (longum sermonemj XJf ' 

(h\ cL I <v rv (v f esse videatur ) , ™ j 

* ' ' J ** (dona sentiamus j ^ ' 

., t , jiudicabatur \ , «^ 

y ) (viv <v/ rw rv jtransgredientes j ^ ' 

Cursus Tardus. 

t v , | , fesse videbitis } ux 

(«)~~l~~~~ |raro iustitia |w 

,, x , , , ( 6sse videamini ) , , 2 , s 

(^"l^^^lfortisoperatio ] ■ «* 

(e) ~ « ~ I ~ ~ ~ j iugiter P 6stu ? at 1 «•) ' 
v ' ' {commoda sitiensj v ' 

1 Otherwise known as cursus trispondaicus (see above, p. 227, n. 2). 

2 Classed by soine as a type of cursus medius (see above, p. 227, 
n. 4). 

3 Otherwise known as cursus dispondeus dactylicus (see above, 
p. 228, n. 2). 

4 Classed by some as a type of cursus medius (see above, p. 228, 
n. 3). 


Cursus Velox. 

(a) (v iv <v U (v iv (v (oninia videantur } , x 

' (fletibus siipplicantis j v ' 

/ 7 % , | , (fletibus intemeratus ) / 2 \ 

() IVIVIVIVIVIVIVIV ,,.., , ... ,. [ (v z \ 

v ' ' (callide considerantes ) v * 

,s , | , , (fletibus supplicantium) , , X1 

W ~ ^*'* (W ~ 1 t(midae vldeamini f M 

Oursus Medius. 

(coelum circuit) 

.•v rv v v iv 

(.esse potent j v ' 

§ 2. The Cursus m the Z)e Monarchia, Be Vulgari 
Eloquentia, and Quaestio de Aqua et Terra. 

Before proceeding to the examination of these works 
from the point of view of the cursus, it must be explained 
that we must not expect to find the cursus observed 
systematically in the purely argumentative and didactic 
portions of these treatises, in which of necessity technical 
terms and expressions have to be introduced which do 
not easily lend themselves to the required manipulation ; 
its observance must only be looked for in the more 
rhetorical and personal passages. Such passages naturally 
occur in the introductory and concluding.portions of the 
works. 2 

Now on applying the cursus test to the first chapter 
of the first book of the De Monarclda we observe the 

1 Otherwise known as cursus octosyllabicus (see above, p. 229, n. 1). 

2 This will be found to be the case also in the letter to Can 
Grande {Epist. x), the cursus being regularly observed in the 
address and first four sections which constitute the epistolary 
portions proper, but not in the remainder of the letter, which is 
in the nature of a cornmentary, and full of technical terms and 
quotations. Exceptions of a similar nature, it may be observed, 
covering titles, dates, quotations, and technical phraseology 
generally, were formally recognized in the rules of the cursus of 
the Roman Curia (see Valois, ktude sur le Rythme des Bulles Pontifi- 
cales, in Bihliolheque de V&cole des Charies, xlii. 258 ; and Poole, op. cit., 
pp. 80, 94. 


occurrence of the recognized clausulae throughout ; thus 
we find in 1. 3 : ' interesse videtur ' (pl) ; 11. 4-5 : ' anti- 
quorum ditati sunt ' (t) ; 1. 5 : ' posteris prolaborent ' (v) ; 
11. 6-7 : ' habeat quo ditetur ' (v) ; 11. 7-8 : ! esse non 
diibitet ' (t) ; 11. 8-9 : ' documentis imbiitus ' (pl) ; 11. 9- 
10 : ' adferre non ciirat ' (pl) ; 1. 12 : ' perniciosa vorago ' 
(pl) ; 1. 13: y semper ingurgitans ' (t) ; 11. 13-14: ' ingur- 
gitata refundens' (pl); 11. 14-15: ' mecum recogitans' 
(t) ; 1. 16 : ' quandoque redarguar ' (t) ; 1. 17 : ' modo 
turgescere ' (t) ; 1. 18 : ' fructificare desidero ' (t) ; 1. 19 : 
* ostendere veritates ' (v) ; 1. 21 : ' iterum demonstraret ' 
(v); 1. 22: 'felicitatem ostensam ' (pl) ; 11. 22-3: 're- 
ostendere conaretur ' (v) ; 11. 23-4 : ' Cicerone defensam ' 
(pl) ; 1. 24 : resiimeret defensandam ' (v) ; 1. 26 : ' taediosa 
praestaret ' (pl) ; 11. 27-8 : ' occiiltas et litiles ' (t) ; 1. 28 : 
'Monarchiae notitia ' (t) ; 1. 29: 'maxime latens ' (pl 4 ) ; 
1. 30: 'immediate ad liicrum ' (pl) ; 1. 31: 'omnibus 
lntentata ' (v) ; 1. 32 : ' enucleare latibulis ' (t) ; 1. 33 : 
'miindo pervigilem' (t) ; 1. 35 : ' gloriam adipiscar' (v) ; 

I. 36 : " vires aggredior ' (t) ; 1. 37 : ' virtiite confidens ' 
(pl); 1. 38: « Largitoris illius' (pl) ; 11. 38-9: « omnibus 
affluenter ' (v) ; 1. 39 : ' et non improperat ' (t). 

Taking the last chapter of the first book, we find in 

II. 2-3 : ' memorabilis attestatur ' (v) ; 11. 3-4 : ' illius 
mortalium ' (t) ; 1. 5 : ' hominem adsumpturus ' (v) ; 1. 6 : 
1 ipse disposuit ' (t) ; 1. 7 : ' primorum parentum ' (pl) ; 
1. 9: Uempora recolamus ' (v) ; 11. 10-11: 'Augiisto 
monarcha ' (pl) ; 1. 11 : 'monarchia perfecta ' (pl) ; 1. 12 
'fuisse qmetum' (pl); 1. 13: ' fiierit felix' (pV) ; 1. 14 

1 tranquillitate ' (pl 3 ) ; 1. 15 : ' historiographi omnes ' (pl*) 
1. 15 : ' poetae illiistres' (pl) ; 1. 17: * testari dignatus est 
(t) ; 1. 19 : ' felicissimum appellavit ' (v) ; 1. 20 : ' plena 
fuerunt ' (pl) ; 1. 22 : ' ministro vacavit ' (pl) ; 1. 23 : ' ha- 
buerit orbis ' (pl*) ; 1. 25 : ' primitus passa est ' (f) ; 1. 25 : 
'legerepossumus' (^ 3 ); 1. 26: 'litinam non videre ' (v) ; 1. 26: 
1 g6nus humanum ' (pl) ; 1. 27 : ' quantis procellis ' (pl) ; 
1. 27 : ' atque iactiiris ' (pl) ; 11. 27-8 : ' quantisque 
naufragiis ' (t) ; 1. 28 : ' agitari te necesse est ' (2 2 ) ; 1. 29 : 
'capitum factum' (pl 4 ) ; 1. 30: ' diversa conaris ' (pl); 


11. 30-1 : ' aegrotas utroque ' (pl) ; 1. 31 : ' similiter et 
affectu ' (v) ; 11. 32-3 : ' superiorem non curas ' (pl) ; 1. 34 : 
' inferiorem ' (pl 3 ) ; 1. 35 : ' divinae suasionis ' (pl 2 ) ; 1. 36 : 
' tibi afnetur ' (pl) ; 11. 37-8 : ' fratres in unum ' (pl). 

Finally, taking the concluding sentence of the whole 
treatise, we get in 1. 135 : ' utatur ad Petrum ' (pl) ; 1. 136 : 
' uti ad patrem ' (pl) ; 1. 137 : ' gratiae illustratus ' (v) ; 
1. 138 : ' terrae irradiet ' (t) ; 1. 139 : ' solo praefectus est ' 
(t) ; 1. 140 : ' temporalium gubernator ' (v). 

Turning next to the Be Vulgari Eloquentia, in the first 
chapter of the first book we find, in 11. 2-3 : ' inveniamus 
tractasse' (pl) ; 11. 4-5: 'necessariam videamus ' (v) ; 
1. 7 : ' natiira permittit ' (pl) ; 1. 8 : ' lucidare illorum ' 
(pl) ; 1. 9 : ' ambulant per plateas ' (v) ; 1. 10 : ' posteriora 
putantes ' (pl) ; 1. 11 : ' aspirante de coelis ' (pl) ; 1. 12 : 
' prodesse tentabimus ' (t) ; 1. 13 : ' nostri ingenii ' (t) ; 
1. 14: 'poculum haurientes ' (v) ; 1. 15: 'compilando ab 
aliis ' (t) ; 1. 15 : ' potiora miscentes ' (pl) ; 1. 16 : ' potio- 
nare possimus ' (pl); 11. 16-17: ' dulcissimum hydro- 
mellum ' (v) ; 1. 18 : ' oportet non probare ' (pl 2 ) ; 1. 19 : 
' aperire subiectum ' (pl) ; 1. 20 : ' illa versatur (pl) ; 11. 
20-1 : ' celeriter attendentes ' (v) ; 1. 24 : ' voces incipiunt ' 
(t) ; 11. 24-5 : ' brevius dici potest ' (v) ; 1. 25 : ' locutionem 
asserimus ' (t) ; 11. 26-7 : ' imitantes accipimus ' (t) ; 1. 28 : 
' secundaria nobis ' (^ 4 ) ; 11. 29-30 : ' grammaticam voca- 
verunt ' (v) ; 11. 30-1 : ' alii sed non omnes ' (v) ; 11. 31-2 : 
1 pauci perveniunt ' (t) ; 1. 34 : • doctrinamur in illa ' 
(pl); 1. 35: 'nobilior est vulgaris ' (v) ; 1. 36: ' generi 
tisitata ' (v) ; 1. 37 : ' ipsa perfriiitur ' (t) ; 1. 38 : ' vocabula 
sit divisa' (v) ; 1. 39: 'naturalis est nobis' (pl) ; 1.40: 
' artificialis existat ' (pl) ; 1. 41 : ' intentio pertractare ' (v). 

The Be Vulgari Eloquentia being an unfinished work, 
the concluding test cannot be applied in this case. Passing 
now to the Quaestio de Aqua et Terra, we find in the 
Proem, 1. 1 : ' universis et singulis ' (t) ; 11. 1-2 : ' literas 
inspecturis ' (v) ; 1. 4 : ' eo saliitem ' (pl) ; 11. 4-5 : ' veri- 
tatis et liimen ' (pl) ; and in the first section, 1. 2 : 
' existente me Mantuae ' (t) ; 11. 2-3 : ' quaedam exorta 
est ' (t) ; 1. 3 : ' dilatata multoties ' (t); 1. 5 : ' indeter- 


minata restabat ' (pl) ; 1. 6 : ' amore veritatis ' (pV) ; 11. 
6-7 : ' continue sim nutritus ' (v) ; 11. 7-8 : ' quaestionem 
praefatam ' (pl) ; 1. 8 : ' linquere indiscussam ■ (v) ; 1. 9 
1 verum ostendere ' (t) ; 1. 10 : ' contra dissolvere ' (t) 
1. 11: ' veritatis amore ' ( pl) ; 11.11-12: ' odio falsitatis 
(v) ; 1. 12 : ' livor multorum ' (pl) ; 11. 13-14 : ' confingere 
solent ' (pl A ) ; 11. 14-15 : ' dicta transmiitent ' (pl) ; 1. 15 : 
' placuit insuper ' (f ) ; 1. 16 : ' digitis exarata ' (v) ; 1. 17 : 
1 a me relinquere ' (t) ; 1. 18 : ' calamo designare ' (v). 

In the concluding section we get, in 11. 1-2 : ' philo- 
sophia ' (pf) ; 11. 3-4 : ' sacrosancto Romano ' (pl) ; 1. 6 : 
* urbe Verona ' (pl) ; 11. 6-7 : * Helenae gloriosae ' (v) ; 
1. 7 : * clero Veronensi ' (pl 2 ) ; 11. 8-9 : ' caritate ardentes ' 
(pl) ; 1. 9 : ' rogamina non admittunt ' (v) ; 1. 10 : l humi- 
litatis virtiitem ' (pl); 1. 12: ' probare videantur ' (pl 2 ) ; 

I. 13 : ' interesse refiigiunt ' (t) ; and, leaving the date out 
of consideration, 1 1. 19 : ' innuit venerandum ' (v). 

In all three works, it may be remarked, cursus endings 
are introduced from time to time even in the argumenta- 
tive portions, especially at the end of chapters or sections ; 
and its regular observance is noticeable in occasional 
passages of some length in both of the longer treatises. 2 

§ 3. The Gursus in the Epistolae. 

In epistolary correspondence the strict observance of the 
cursus, with the recognized exceptions, 3 was obligatory 
throughout. As was to be expected, Dante's Epistolae are 
no exception to the rule. 4 The letters ascribed to Dante 
may be divided into two categories, namely those written 
in his own name, and those written in the capacity of 
secretary. 5 The first may be subdivided into political 

1 See above, p. 231, n. 2. 

2 For example, in De Monarchia, ii. 3, 11. 1-42 ; ii. 5, 11. 31-42 ; 
iii. 16, 11. 75-113 ; and in De Vulgari Eloquentia, i. 5, 11. 10-34 ; i. 6, 

II. 17-38 ; i. 7, 11. 1-70 ; i. 8, 11. 1-44 ; i. 9, 11. 1-107 ; &c., &c. 

3 See above, p. 231, n. 2. 

4 There are a few instances of clausulae which do not conform 
to the recognized rules, but some of these may probably be accounted 
f or by the corruption of the text (see below, pp. 246-7). 

6 See Introduction, p. xxvi. 


(comprising Epist. v, vi, vii, viii), and private and 
personal (comprising Epist. ii, iii (iv), iv (iii), ix, x) ; in 
the second would be included Epist. i, vii*, vii**, vii***. 

For the purpose of applying the cursus test to the 
Epistolae, a specimen may be selected of a representative 
letter of each class. Taking the first section of the best 
known of the political letters, Epist. vii (to the Emperor 
Henry VII), we have : 

* Immensa Dei dilectione testante (pl) 1 , relicta nobis est 
pacis hereditas {t), ut in sua mira dulcedine (t) militiae 
nostrae diira mitescerent (t), et in usu eius patriae trium- 
phantis (v) gaiidia mereremur (v). At livor antiqui et 
implacabilis hostis (pl% humanae prosperitati semper et 
latenter insidians (t), nonnullos exheredando volentes (pl) 
ob tutoris absentiam (t) nos alios impie denudavit in- 
vitos (pl). Hinc diu super flumina confusionis defle 
vimus (t), et patrocinia itisti regis (v) incessanter implora 
bamus (pl s ), qui satellitium saevi tyranni disperderet (t) 
et nos in nostra iustitia reformaret (v). Quumque tu 
Caesaris et Augiisti successor (pl), Apennini iuga transi 
liens (t), veneranda signa Tarpeia retulisti (v), protinus 
longa substiterunt suspiria (t), lacrymarumque diluvia 
desierunt (v) ; et, ceu Titan praeoptatus exoriens (t), nova 
spes Latio saeculi melioris effiilsit (pl). Tunc plerique 
vota sua praevenientes in iubilo (t), tam Saturnia regna 
(pV) quam Virginem redeiintem (v) cum Marone canta- 
bant (pl) \ 

For a specimen of the personal letters, the first two 

1 It may be noted here that, strictly speaking, the clausula 
only occurs where there is a pause, however slight ; but in 
practice, with writers who observed the cursus, it became customary 
to employ the formulae of the clausula even where there was no 
pause. Numerous instances of this practice will be found through- 
out the Epistolae of Dante. In this connexion Professor A. C. Clark 
writes to me : ' With regard to those rhythms which are not 
accompanied by a pause — there was a tendency to extend the use 
of "numeri", and to employ them where there was no pause. 
Also, in course of time, the harsher rhythms became obsolete, and 
only the favourite "numeri" were employed. The consequence 
was that late metrical prose became a cento of those "numeri" 
from which the cursus developed.' 


sections of Epist. ix (the well-known letter to a friend in 
Florence) may be taken : 

' In literis vestris (pV), et reverentia debita et affec- 
tione receptis (pl), quam repatriatio mea curae sit vobis et 
animo (t), grata mente ac diligenti animadversione con- 
cepi (pl) ; et inde tanto me districtius obligastis (v), quanto 
rarius exules invenire amicos contingit (pl). Ad illarum 
vero significata responsio (t), etsi non erit qualem forsan 
pusillanimitas appeteret aliquorum (v), ut sub examine 
vestri consilii (t) ante iudicium ventiletur (v), affectuose 
deposco (pl). 

Ecce igitur quod per literas vestri meique nepotis (pl), 
nec non aliorum quamplurium amicorum (v), significatum 
est mihi (pV) per ordinamentum nuper factum Florentiae 
(t) super absolutione bannitorum (pl 2 ) : quod si solvere 
vellem certam pecuniae quantitatem (v), vellemque pati 
notam oblationis (pl% et absolvi possem et redire ad 
praesens (pl). In qua quidem diio ridenda (pl) et male 
praeconsiliata sunt, Pater (pl) ; dico male praeconsiliata 
per illos (pl) qui talia expresserunt (v), nam vestrae 
literae discretius et consiiltius claiisulatae (v) nihil de 
talibus continebant (v).' 

Lastly, as specimen of a letter written in a secretarial 
capacity we may take the first twenty lines of JEpist. i 
(to the Cardinal Niccolo da Prato) : 

' Praeceptis salutaribus moniti (^ 3 ) et Apostolica Pietate 
rogati (pl), sacrae vocis contextui quem misistis (v), post 
cara nobis consilia, respondemus (v). Et si negligentiae 
sontes (pV) aut ignaviae censer^mur (v) ob iniuriam tardi- 
tatis (v), citra iudicium (t) discretio sancta vestra praepon- 
deret (t) ; et quantis qualibusque consiliis et responsis (v), 
observata sinceritate consortii (t), nostra fraternitas (t) 
decenter procedendo indigeat (t), et examinatis quae 
tangimus (t), ubi forte contra debitam celeritatem (v 2 ) 
defecisse despicimur (t), ut aflluentia vestrae Benignitatis 
indiilgeat deprecamur (v). 

Ceu filii non ingrati (v) literas igitur piae Paternitatis 
aspeximus (t), quae totius nostri desiderii personantes 
exordia (t), siibito mentes nostras (v) subito tanta laetitia 


perfuderunt (v), quantam nemo valeret (pl) seu verbo seu 
cogitatione metiri (pl).' 

The same test applied to any of the other letters, with 
the exception of the argumentative and expository portions 
of Epist. x (to Can Grande), will be found to give similar 


A striking feature of the cursus as employed by Dante 
in the Epistolae, which, however, is not peculiar to Dante 
nor to the Epistolae, though it is strongly marked in the 
latter, is the frequent use of what may be termed com- 
bined or compound clausulae, that is to say, clausulae in 
which two or more of the recognized cursus formulae are 
used in combination ; as, for example, ' rabies inopina 
turgescet' (vii. 128-9), which is a combination of the 
velox, * rabies inopina ', with the planus, ' (ino)pina tur- 
gescet ' (v +pl) ; or, ' novus agricola Kdmanorum ' (v. 82), 
which is a combination of the tardus, ' novus agricola ', 
with the velox, l (a)gricola Eomanorum ' (t + v) ; or, ' (quid 
tam) sera moretur segnities admiramur ' (vii. 47-8), which 
is a combination of the planus, * sera moretur ', with the 
tardus, ' (mo)retur segnities ', and of this again with the 
velox, ' (seg)nities admiramur ' (pl + 1 + v) ; or, * viduam et 
desertam lugere compellimur' (viii. 29-30), which is 
a combination of the velox, * viduam et desertam ', with 
the planus, ' (de)sertam lugere ', and of this with the tardus, 
1 (lu)gere compellimur ' (v +pl + 1) ; and so on. 

If we examine the specimen passages above quoted from 
this point of view we shall find in the first (from Epist. 
vii) eight instances ; namely in 1. 2 : ' nobis est pacis 
hereditas ' (pl + 1) ; 11. 9-10 : ' impie denudavit invitos ' 
(v+pl) ; 1. 13 : ' saevi tyranni disperderet ' (pl + t) ; 1. 14 : 
1 nostra iustitia reformaret ' (t + v) ; 1. 15 : ' Caesaris et 
Augiisti successor' (v+pl); 1. 17: ' signa Tarpeia retu- 
listi' (t + v); 11. 18-19: ' (lacryma)rumque diluvia desie- 
runt' (t + v); 11. 20-1: 'saeculi melioris effiilsit' (v+pl) ; 
in the second (from Epist. ix) seven instances ; in 1. 3 : 
' ciirae sit vobis et animo ' (pl + t); 11. 6-7: 'exules 


invenire amicos contingit' (v+pl+pl); 1. 11: 'ante 
iudicium ventiletur' (t + v); 11. 13-14: 'vestri meique 
nepotis' (pl+pl); 11. 14-15: '(ali)orum quamplurium 
amicorum ' (t + v); 11. 18-19 : \ certam peeiiniae quanti- 
tatem' (t + v); 11. 25-6: 'nihil de talibus continebant' 
(t+v) ; and in the third (from Epist. i) eight instances ; in 
1. 2 : ' (Apos)tolica Pietate rogati ' (v +pl) ; 11. 2-3 : ' vocis 
contextui quem misistis (t + v); 11.3-4: ' nobis consilia 
respondemus ' (t + v) ; 11. 6-7 : ' (dis)cretio sancta vestra 
praeponderet ' (v + t); 11. 7-8 : ; (quali)biisque consiliis et 
responsis' (t + v); 11. 13-14: ' (benigni)tatis indulgeat 
deprecamur ' (t + v); 1. 17: * (desi)derii personantes 
exordia ' (v + f); 11. 18-19 : ' tanta laetitia perfuderunt ' 
(t + v). 

Examples of similar compound clausulae may be noted 
occasionally in Dante's other prose works ; thus in the 
De Monarchia, i. 1, 1. 8 : * publicis documentis imbiitus ' 
(v + pl); i. 1, 11. 27-8: ; (veri)tates occiiltas et utiles' 
(pl + t); i. 13, 1. 22: 'vita et moribus informari ' (t + v) ; 
ii. 4, 11. 48-50: * (scrip)tores illiistres concorditer conte- 
stantur ' (pl + t + v) ; ii. 6, 11. 13-14 : f sibi adscivit im- 
perii dignitatem ' (pl + t + v), &c. ; so in the De Vulgari 
Eloquentia, i. 1, 11. 33-4 : 4 (regu)lamur et doctrinamur in 
illa ' (v +pl) ; ii. 3, 1.3: (sol)licite vestigareconemur'(v+i?Z); 
ii. 6,1. 89: ' (constructi)one plebescere desuetos' (t + v); 
i. 1, 11. 16-17: *(potio)nare possimus dulcissimum hydro- 
mellum' (pl + t + v); i. 9, 11. 106-7 : { (lo)corum diversitas 
facit esse diversos ' (t + v +pl) ; and in the Quaestio de Aqua 
et Terra, Proem, 11. 4-5 : ' (prin)cipium veritatis et lumen' 
(v +pl) ; § 24, 11. 8-9 : ' nimia caritate ardentes ' (v -\-pl) ; 
§ 24, 1. 9 : '(alijorum rogamina non admittunt' (t + v). 1 

1 This usage, in connexion with wliich Parodi uses the terms 
' intrecciare ' and ' incatenatura ' (Bull. Soc. Dant. Ital., N.S. xix. 
258, 274), is analogous to, and probably, as Professor A. C. Clark 
has suggested to me, a development from, the ' constructive 
rhythm ' (i. e. the rhythm which pervades the whole sentence — 
1 durchgehende Rhythmus', as Zielinski terms it) of the 'prosa 
numerosa' of Cicero. In a review of Zielinski's ' Der constructive 
Rhythmus in Cicero's Reden', in the Classical Review for Feb. 1916 
(pp. 22-6), Professor Clark writes : ' While rhythm pervades the 


Taking into account only those compound clausulae the 
members of which consist of the normal forms of planus, 
tardus, and velox, and leaving out of consideration those 
into whose composition one or other of the various alter- 
native or secondary forms enters, we find the following 
types (divided into two classes, according as they are com- 
posed of two, or three, members) represented in Dante's 
Epistolae : 

A. Clausulae composed of two members. 

i. With planus final. 
(pl +pl), as : 

' equis armisque vacantem ' (ii. 51-2). 

1 pauci cum fletu cernetis ' (vi. 121-2). 
(v+pl), as: 

' fmpia retinere molitur ' (ii. 54). 

' merito trepidatis adventum ' (v. 57-8). 

ii. With tardus final. 
(pl + t), as: 

' meum ligavit arbitrium ' (iv (iii). 33-4). 

'iura tutanda imperii ' (vii. 51). 
(v + t), as: 

1 gaudium expectatum videbimus ' (v. 8-9). 

' iterum iam punita barbaries ' (vi. 169). 

whole sentence, there are certain places at which it becomes more 
manifest. These are the pauses . . . at the end of the K6fXfxa (Lat. 
incisum), of the kSjKov (Lat. membrum), and of the ire piodos ,(Lat. 
ambitus, &c). At each pause the speaker punctuates by a rhythm. 
There is thus a close connexion between rhythm and the articula- 
tion of the sentence. . . . Quintilian uses clausula of the Kw\a as 
well as of the period. We are wont to use the word of the period 
only. There is no reason why it should not be extended to the 
smaller divisions of the sentence. If so, we may speak of the 
clausula of the period, the clausula of the ku>\ov, and the clausula 
of the Kofx/ia. . . . The difference between these clausulae is one of 
quantity, not of kind. . . . The end of the sentence is the place for 
tune ; in the Ku>\a discordant notes are permissible. It follows 
that in the Kofmara the measure will be harsher still. Zielinski 
puts the point well when he compares the final numeri to " cream ", 
those of the major divisions in the sentence to the ordinary 
" milk " of commerce, and those of the minor to " skimmed milk " ' 
(pp. 23-4). 


iii. With velox final. 
(t + v), as : 

'vitae principium impetivit' (vii. 120-1). 
' dira cupidine conflagrantes ' (viii. 187). 

B. Clausulae composed of three members. 

i. With planus final. 
(pl+pl+pl), as: 

' (splen)descit ab ortu Auroram demonstrans' (v. 3-4). 

' lacte ac melle manantem perducens ' (v. 21-2). 
(v+pl+pl), as : 

'luere destinatos videre pigebit' (vi. 114). 

' potero speculari ubique sub coelo ' (ix. 49). 
(t + v+pl), as: 

' (pro)pinqua ut adsolet fiiribunda deflectat ' (vii. 34-5). 

1 suis erroribus obviare tenemur ' (x. 49-50). 

ii. With tardus final. 
(pl+pl + t), as: 

'Deum quaerebant ut finem et optimum' (viii. 120). 
'famae Dantisque honori non deroget' (ix. 42-3). 
(v+pl + t), as: 

' (inexpugna)bilibus argumentis instriicta praenuntians ' 

(vi. 116-17). 
' viduam et desertam lugere compellimur' (viii. 29-30). 
(t+v + t), as: 

' sibi et Caesari imiversa distribuens ' (v. 152). 
'(nunc Pi)renen, nunc Caucason, niinc Atlanta super- 
volans ' (vi. 82-3). 

iii. With velox final. 
(pl + t + v), as:^ 

' velut ignari decipere vosmetipsos (v. 110-11). 

' (quum cer)vicem Cremonae deflexeris contumacis ' 

(vii. 126-7). 
(v+t + v), as: 

' (im)perio res humanas disposuit gtibernandas ' (vi.4-5). 
' (vota) Caesaris et Augiistae feliciter adimplebat ' 

(vii***. 6-7). 

Instances of compound clausulae of the first class, those 


composed of two members, of which there are five types, 
are naturally far more numerous than those of the second, 
composed of three members. The type which occurs 
most frequently in the Epistolae is (t + v), of which I have 
noted 77 instances ; next comes (v+pl), with 73 instances ; 
then (pl + t), with 49 ; (v + t), with 48 ; and (pl+pl), with 
36. Of the eight types comprised in the second class, 
none occurs more than half a dozen times, nor less than 
twice ; that of most frequent occurrence being (pl+pl + t), 
that of the least frequent (v+pl + f). 

If the cursus meclkts (m), and secondary forms, be taken 
into consideration the number of types will be very 
largely increased. Of two-member clausulae of this 
description I have noted among those of most frequent 
occurrence (m + v) and (pl 2 +pl), with upwards of 50 
instances each ; and (pl 2 + t), with upwards of 30. 
Examples of the first (m + v) are : ' nymphis aliis dere- 
lictis ' (iii (iv). 46-7) ; ' Paulus gentium praedicator ' (viii. 
25) ; of the second (pl 2 +pl) : ' pacis amatores et iusti ' 
(i. 55) ; ' fluctus Amphitritis attingens ' (vii. 58-9) ; and 
of the third (pl 2 +t)i 'pium deserentes imperium' (vi. 
50-1) ; ' regem aspernata legitimum ' (vii. 167-8). 

Of three-member clausulae of the same description the 
most frequent is (pl*+pl 2 +pl), with eight instances, as: 
' maria quondam transvolando despexit' (vi. 84-5) ; ' Tiberi 
tuo criminosa potatur' (vii. 139-40) ; next come, with seven 
instances each, (v+pl 2 +pl), as: '(spon)tanea et sincera 
voluntate subimus ' (i. 56-7) ; ' (sine) omnium detrimento 
interire non potest' (vi. 45-6); and (m + v+pl), as: 
'ultra medium praemiando se ffgit ' (v. 41-2); 'vestris 
animis infigenda supersunt' (vi. 179); then, with five 
instances each, (pl ^+pl + t), as : ' liberum meum ligavit 
arbitrium' (iv (iii). 33); 'fulguris instar descendens affiierit' 
(v. 53-4); (pl + pl 2 + t), as: 'absit a viro praedicante 
iustitiam' (ix. 36-7) ; ' etsi divinis comprobatur elogiis ' (vi. 
8-9) ; (m + v + 1), as : ' (se)veri iudicis adventante iudicio ' 
(vi. 24) ; 'mentis aciem penetrando dulcescerent' (vii*.3-4) ; 
and (pl + m + v), as : ' velut a patre filiis ministrantur ' 
(iii(iv). 54-5); 'coelietterraeDominusordinavit^v.l^^-S). 1 

1 It may be mentioned here that occasional instances occur in 



Of the simple clausulae, planus, tardus, and velox, in their 
normal forms, velox is of the most frequent occurrence in 
the Epistolae, the number of instances being 205 ; tardus 
coming next with 198 ; and planus last with 163. In 
combination, as final member in compound clausulae, 
planus comes first with 213 instances, then tardus with 
196, and velox with 172 ; the totals in each case, single 
and in combination, being tardus 394, velox 377, and 
planus 376. 

Dante's uses of the velox. 

Some of Dante's uses of the velox are deserving of 
attention. For the alliterative velox, employed generally 
as it would appear with a view to emphasis, he shows 
a marked predilection. Of these I have noted some twenty 
instances in the Epistolae ; e. g. ' (in)dulgeat deprecamur ' 
(i. 13) ; ' (tam) debite quam devote ' (i. 71) ; ' (exem)plaria 
esse possunt ' (ii. 40) ; ' pocula propinabit ' (v. 44) ; ' (locum) 
corvulis occupatum ' (v. 56) ; ' (ad) regimen reservati ' 
(v. 102); 'dirimens duo regna' (v. 151-2); 'nesciens 
atque nolens ' (vi. 100) ; ■ plurima vestri parte ' (vi. 119) ; 
'(nasci de) Virgine voluisset' (vii. 71); '(per)nicies niin- 
cupatur (vii. 142) ; ' fugient Philistei ' (vii. 182-3) ; *■ quanta 
vel qualis ego' (vii.* 6-7); 'litinam diuturna* (vii.* 8) ; 
' pia et haec privata ' (viii. 101) ; ' foveat et defendat ' (viii. 
142) ; ' (su)perius proclamatur ' (viii. 145-6) ; ' (in) saecula 
saeculorum' (x. 628). With- these may be classed a 
certain number in which the alliteration is not confined 
strictly within the limits of the clausula ; as : * helio- 
tropium hebetata' (v. 11-12); 'confidentius coniugabit' 
(v. 84) ; ' delirantis Hesperiae domitorem ' (vi. 87) ; ' diluvia 
desierunt'(vii. 19); 'fiduciaconfortatur^vii. 78); 'posteri- 

the Epistolae of what might be regarded as clausulae composed of 
four members; for example (v + t + v+pl), as : ' (apos)tolicae 
monarchiae similiter invidere non libet ' (vi. 53 r 4) ; and (v+pl + 
t + v), as : ' digitum prophetiae propheta direxerit Isaias ' (vi. 185-6). 
But in view of the rarity of their occurrence it is probable that 
these and others of a like description are due rather to accident 
than to design. 


tas praestolatur ' (vii. 96) ; ' cervicem Cremonae deflexeris 
contumacis ' (vii. 127) ; ' vipera versa in viscera genitricis ' 
(vii. 144) ; ' voluntatis idolum venerando ' (vii. 166) ; cupi- 
dine conflagrantes ' (viii. 187) ; ' consiiltius claiisulatae ' 
(ix. 24). Similar instances of the alliterative velox may 
be noted in Dante's other prose works ; e. g. in the De 
Monarchia: 'posteris prolaborent' (i. 1, 1. 5); 'meritis 
mensuranda ' (ii. 3, 1. 23) ; ' concorditer contestantur ' 
(ii. 4, 1. 49) ; ■ fidei fundamentum ' (iii. 3, 11. 61-2) ; ' sub- 
stantiae siibsistentis ' (iii. 12, 1. 48); 'a sacerdotio de- 
manaret ' (iii. 14, 1. 39) ; ' cupiditas postergaret ' (iii. 16, 
1. 72) ; in the JDe Vulgari Eloquentia : ' ad commercium 
convenirent ' (i. 7, 1. 51) ; ' excellentius exercebant ' (i. 7, 

I. 60); 'varie varietur' (i. 9, 1. 89); 'dignissima nun- 
cupamus ' (ii. 2, 1. 45) ; ' carissime conservantur ' (ii. 3, 

II. 42, 44) ; ' vulgaria ventilamus ' (ii. 8, 1. 57) ; ' syllabis 
siiperatam' (ii. 11, 1. 43); and in the Quaestio: 'destrui 
debebatur' (§ 12, 1. 65); 'adaequatio quantitatis' (§ 17, 
11. 16-17). 

Another characteristic to be noted in this connexion is 
Dante's employment of consecutive velox, of which more 
than a dozen instances occur in the Epistolae ; e. g. ' prae 
titulis Italorum aereum lllustrabat ' (ii. 12); 'regiae sempi- 
ternae aulicus praeelectus' (ii. 34-5) ; 'assiirgite regivestro, 
incolae Latiales ' (v. 100) ; * in cordibus et dicentes : Domi- 
num non habemus' (v. 112-13); 'vix Itali infelices 
lacrymis metiiintur ' (vi. 18-19) ; ' patriae triumphantis 
gaiidia mereremur ' (vii. 4-5) ; ' propriae voluntatis idolum 
venerando ' (vii. 166-7) ; 'amicis omnibus veritatem docuit 
praeferendam ' (viii. 84) ; ■ filiae sanguisiigae factae sunt 
tibi mirus' (viii. 110-11); ' dulcissimas veritates potero 
speculari ' (ix. 48-9). 

Types of velox used by Dante. 
Though as a general rule Dante employs one or other 
of the three recognized forms of normal velox, viz. of the 
types : ' facies veritatis ' (vii. 26) ; or, ' credimus et spera- 
mus ' (vii. 35) ; or, ' nesciens atque nolens ' (vi. 100) l ; 
he on occasion allows himself the licence of substituting 

1 See above, pp. 228-9. 


a dissyllable and monosyllable for the pre-caesura tri- 
syllable ; as : ( (super) astra nunc amuenter ' (ii. 7) ; ( (de 
passi)6ne in passionem ' (iii (iv). 4) ; ( quamvis ex ore tiio ' 
(iii (iv). 8) ; l (leo) fortis de tribu Iuda ' (v. 18) ; ( prope est 
vestra salus ' (v. 70) ; ( (intelli)gamus et eius velle ' (v. 125) ' ; 
( tamquam per coelos novos ' (v. 134) ; ( (in) fide pro libertate' 
(vi. 123) ; ' quanta vel qualis ego ' (vii*. 6-7) ; ' falli vel 
praepediri' (vii**. 13); 'pia et haec privata ' (viii. 101); 
'factae sunt tibi mirus' (viii. 111); '(in)v6nta non at- 
testantur' (viii. 125-6); or of substituting two mono- 
syllables for one of the post-caesura dissyllables in the 
last of the three types ; as : ' (implo)rantibus ciim sit 
Caesar ' (v. 38) ; ( vertitur in se ipsam ' (v. 96) ; ' (in 
con)traria pro et contra' (vi. 107-8); '(in) diibium quae 
sunt certa ' (vii. 33) ; * forsitan, et quis iste ' (viii. 67) ; or, 
( (primo)genitus tiius et rex ' (vii. 93) ; ( (di)vitiae mecum 
non sunt ' (viii. 73). 

Of the alternative or secondary forms of velox, namely 
(y 2 ), of the type ' callide considerantes ', and (v*), termed 
bysome cursus octosyllabicus, of the type 'fletibus supplican- 
tium', 1 Dante makes comparatively sparing use. I have 
noted the following instances, among others, 2 of (v 2 ) : 
'(contra) debitam celeritatem' (i. 11-12); 'principem 
praedestinasse ' (v. 117) ; ( gravius praecipitetur ' (vi. 98) ; 
'quas tulit calamitates' (vi. 122-3); 'Phaeton exorbi- 
tastis ' (viii. 46) ; ( (accura)tissime colere ipsum ' (viii. 153) ; 
and the following of (v d ) : ( mimero sed non specie ' (iii 
(iv). 7) ; * nescio qua dulc^dine ' (v. 60-1) ; ( (per) talia 
praecedentia ' (v. 145) ; ( non modo sapientia ' (vi. 58) ; 
( alteri Babylonii ' (vi. 50) ; ( (amari)tudinem poenitentiae ' 
(vi. 177); '(in) reprobum sensum traditur' (vii. 172); 
( hinc inde commorantium' (viii. 59) ; ' (of)ficium iisurpanti- 
bus ' (viii. 98) ; ( (in)iiiriam inferentibus ' (ix. 38). 


A remarkable instance occurs in the Epistolae of what 
may be termed the ( tyranny ' of the cursus — all the more 

1 See above, p. 229. 

2 I have noted about a dozen in all of (v 2 ), and about a score of (v 8 ). 


remarkable in the case of Dante, who with regard to the 
rhymes of the Divina Commedia is reported to have 
boasted that 'never a rhyme had led him to say other 
than he would, but that many a time and oft he had 
made words say in his rhymes what they were not wont 
to express for other writers ' . x 

The passage in question is in Epist vi. 135 ff., where 
Dante reminds the rebellious Florentines of the fate of 
Milan and Spoleto at the hands of Barbarossa: 'Sed 
recensete fulmina Federici prioris ; et Mediolanum con- 
sulite pariter et Spoletum ; quoniam ipsorum perversione 
simul et eversione discussa viscera vestra nimium dilatata 
frigescent, et corda vestra nimium ferventia contrahentur \ 
When first revising the text of this letter, before I had 
taken the cursus into consideration, I was inclined to 
think that the two verbs * frigescent ' and l contrahentur ' 
must have accidentally got misplaced, and I was tempted 
to suggest that they should be transposed, a suggestion 
which I found later had also occurred to Giuliani. But 
when I came to examine the passage afresh from the 
point of view of the cursus I was soon convinced that 
in the textus receptus we have what Dante wrote. The 
suggested transposition ('dilatata contrahentur ' and 'fer- 
ventia frigescent') would involve a double violation of 
the cursus, which is strictly observed in the text as it 
stands, 'dilatata frigescent ' giving aplanus, and * ferventia 
contrahentur ' ending the period with the conventional 
velox, the fifth in a sequence of six. 2 It would appear, 
therefore, that on this occasion Dante was driven to 
sacrifice propriety in order to meet the exigencies of the 
cursus. 3 

1 The author of the Ottimo Comento in his comment on Inf. x. 85-7 
says : ' Io scrittore udii dire a Dante, che mai rima nol trasse 
a dire altro che quello ch' avea in suo proponimento ; ma ch' elli 
molte e spesse volte facea li vocaboli dire nelle sue rime altro che 
quello, ch' erano appo gli altri dicitori usati di sprimere '. 

2 Namely, 'Caesare prorup6runt' (11. 131-2); 'victoriam sint 
adepti ' (1. 133) ; ' memorabiliter consecuti ' (11. 134-5) ; ' pariter 
et Spoletum ' (1. 137) ; 'ferventia contrahentur » (11. 140-1) ; < vitio 
inaensati ' (1. 142). 

3 Professor A. C. Clark has drawn my attention to the somewhat 


The requirements of the cursus doubtless also account for 
Dante's use in the Epistolae of the names 'Naso' and 
1 Maro ' instead of ' Ovidius ' and • Virgilius ' ; as in Epist. 
iii (iv). 40 : ' Auctoritatem vero Nasonis ' * (pl) ; and 
Epist. vii. 23-4 : ' Virginem redeuntem cum Marone canta- 
bant ' (pl) ; as well as of ' Latialis ' instead of ' Italicus ' 
in at least one passage where it occurs, viz. in Epist. 
v. 100 : ' fncolae Latiales ' 2 (v). 

Irregular Clausulae. 

Among clausulae in the Epistolae which do not conform 
to any of the commonly accepted types the following may 
be noted : 

i. (<v <v | <v <v). Paroxytone dissyllable preceded by par- 
oxytone dissyllable (or polysyllable), the caesura fall- 
ing after the second syllable of the clausula. Of this 
type I have noted six instances, viz. '(in lumine radi)- 
orum eius ' (v. 14-15) ; ' (qui bibitis flu)enta eius ' (v. 105) ; 
' (oblivis)catur siii ' (vi. 65); '(quia) caeciestis' 3 (vi. 151-2) ; 
1 (in) usu eius ' (vii. 4) ; and without caesura, ' (humanae 
appre)hensioni ' (v. 123-4). 

ii. (pL (v <v | ri). Monosyllable preceded by proparoxytone 
trisyllable (or its equivalent), the caesura falling after 
the third syllable of the clausula. Of this type I have 
noted the following three instances : * (na)tiira non viilt ' 

similar case of the use by Asiatic writers of TrapavXrjpw^aTa, or 
vvords ' numero inservientia ', which is referred to by Cicero in the 
Orator, § 69 : ' Apud alios autem, et Asiaticos maxime, numero 
servientes, inculcata reperias inania quaedam verba, quasi comple- 
menta numerorum '. There can be no doubt, says Professor Clark, 
that the Latins frequently chose words which gave the desired 
rhythm, even if they were otiose, or if they were not the most 
appropriate to convey the particular nuance of sense suitable to the 

1 Dante no doubt could have written ' v6ro Ovidii ' (t), and still 
have observed tho cursus, but he avoided the cacophony by the 
substitution of 'Nasonis'. 

8 The printed texts read 'Italiae', but the MS. reading is 
1 Latiales '. 

8 Parodi suggests (Bull. Soc. Dant. Ital, N.S. xix. 258) that 
possibly the right reading is 'quoniam caeci ^stis' (velox). 


(vi. 47-8) ; ' (pul)satur ad nos ' (viii. 136) ; ' (Magnifi)centiae 
laus ' » (x. 1). 

iii. (ri <v <v | <v (v (v <v). Proparoxytone tetrasyllable (or 
its equivalent) preceded by proparoxytone trisyllable, the 
caesura falling after the third syllable of the clausula. 
Of this type I have noted three instances, two in Epist.viu, 
viz. 'cernere haeresium ' 2 (11. 31-2) ; ' cogitant aut somniant ' 
(11. 124-5) ; the third in Epist. v, ' quoniam Augustus est ' 
(11. 45-6). This last might be rectified by the substitu- 
tion of ' quia ' for ' quoniam ' (the converse of the proposed 
rectification of vi. 15 1-2), 3 giving ' quia Augustus est ' 



[M. = CW. Marc. Lat. xiv. 115; F. = Cod. S. Pantaleo 8; 
V. = Cod. Vat-Palat. Lat. 1729.] 

i. Agreement of V. ancl P. against M. 

The most striking divergences of M. from V. and P. 
are the following : 1. 7. V.P. laten(an)ter : M. conlatenter ; 
1. 10. V.P. super: M. semper; 1. 17. V.P. tarpeia: M. 
turpia ; 1. 19. V.P. preoptatus : M. precipitatus ; 1. 51. V.P. 
tutanda : M. tuendi ; 1. 60. V.P. scriptum etenim nobis 
(V. uoois) est: M. scriptum est enim nobis; 1. Q6. V.P. 
ignis eterni fiamma: M. ignis flamma ; 1. 70. V.P. edicto : 
M. edicit ; 1. 73. V.P. quem omnem iustitiam implere decebat : 

1 De Santi (op. cit., p. 29) makes ' laus' here a dissyllable, giving 
(' Magnifi)centiae laiis' (pl*) ; but I can find no other instance 
of such use. 

2 On the possible corruption of the text here, see above, 
p. 129, n. 3. 

3 See above, p. 246, n. 3. 

4 See above, pp. 82-3, 


M. qui omnem iustitiam implere debebat ; 1. 74. V.P. angu- 
stissima : M. angusta ; 1. 75. V.P. irretiri: M. mctiri ; 1. 81. 
V.P. iterum vox : M. igitur vos ; 1. 83. V. P. Jirmate : M.flrmari ; 
1.87.V.P. iterum: M..omits; 1. 104. V.P. unxitquetedominus: 
M. unxitque deus ; 11. 108-9. V.P. non parcas: M. parcas 
minime; 1. 110. V.P. de gente: M. o3e aen£e w gentem ; 
1. 118. V.P. repullulante : M. repupulare ; 1. 122. V.P. 
ramorum: M. romanorum; 1. 123. V.P. virulente(r) rami- 
ficent : M. via terre ramescent ; 1. 125. V.P. preses : M. gwi 
prees; 1. 130. V.P. flagcllata: M. flagellum; 1. 132. V.P. 
huiusmodi: M. huius ; V.P. radicalis: M. rabies ; 1. 135. 
V.P. principum : M. principium ; 1. 140. V.P. potatur : 
U.potant; 1. 149. V.P./ata: M. semper ; 11. 152-4. V.P. 
luendo . . . contendit : M. omifc ; 1. 160. V.P. illiciendo : M. 
aliciendo ; 1. 161. V.P. infatuat : M. insinuat ; 1. 162. 
V.P. ardet: M. omits; 1. 170. V.P. attendat: M. accendit; 
1. 173. V.P. non conueniunt : M. e£iam conueniunt; 1. 176. 
V.P. aftera: M. aZfa ; 1. 181. V.P. woz: M. wos ; 1. 186. 
V.P. gwem ad modum : M. quidem ad modum ; 1. 190. 
V.P. recolemus: M. reuelemur. 

ii. Agreement o/P. andM. against V. 

The most striking instances of agreement are : P.M. 
aiye ##e: V. omits; 1. 9. P.M. impie: V. impios; 1. 36. 
P.M. £e oei ministrum: V. £e ministrum; 1. 56. P.M. m 
augustum: V. wow augustum; 1. 79. P.M. co(h)artando : 
V. cohortando ; 1. 91. P.M. regnum: V. regimen; 1. 105. 
P.M. regem: V. reaem superlsrael ; 1. 138. P.M. recumbat : 
V. decumbat ; 11. 144-6. P.M. 7*ec languida pecus que gregem 
. . . commaculat : V. /iec es£ languida pecus gregem . . . com- 
maculans; 1. 151. P.M. furialiter in bella vocavit: V. m 
bella furialiter provocavit ; 1. 165. P.M. assensum: V.ascen- 
sum; 1. 174. P.M. iniusta: V. iwsfo; P.M. owe colophon: 
V. owifc. 

iii. Agreement of V. and M. against P. 

The most striking instances of agreement are : 
1. 9. V.M. denudauit: P. denudare; 1. 46. V.M. foZZ#: P. 
foZZis; 1. 51. V.M. iwra : P. wita ; 1. 52. V.M. ligurum: 


P. ligineranj ; 1. 53. V. M. aduertens : P. aduerteris ; 1. 86. 
V. a nubis, M. Annubis: P. a nubibus; 1. 91. V.M. regna: 
P. tellus; 1. 105. V.M. dews: P. dominus ; 1. 115. V.M. 
rens : P. «ms ; 1. 133. V.M. radice . . . auulsa : P. rad£# 
. . . euulsa; 1. 141. V.M. rtos : P. W^ws; 1. 147. V. 
Cinarc patris, M. Ginere posita : P. amore patris ; 1. 163. 
V.M. procacitate: V. pro capacitate ; 1. 167. V.M. regem: 
P. rajrem suum; 11. 179-80. V.M. afcjwe m lapide: P. a£ m 



There exist two early Italian translations of Dante's 
letter to the Emperor Henry VII (Epist. vii). The first, 
which was undoubtedly executed in the fourteenth century, 
has, so far as is known, been preserved in one MS. only 
(of Cent. xiv), namely God. S. Pantaleo 8 in the Biblioteca 
Vittorio Emanuele at Kome. This translation was first 
printed in the Modern Language Review, vol. ix, pp. 335- 
43. The second, which at one time was attributed to 
Marsilio Ficino (1433 — 99), but which probably dates 
from towards the end of the fourteenth century, has been 
preserved in at least ten MSS. (two of which have been 
assigned to Cent. xiv, while the remainder belong to 
Cent. xv), 2 and has many times been printed. 8 

That these two translations are the work of different 
hands, a comparison of the text of the former with the 
renderings of the later version (where they differ), as 

1 See above, p. 84. 

2 See P. Wagner, Die Echtheit der drei Kaiserbriefe Dantes im Lichte 
der Kritik (Koln, 1907), pp/10-11. 

8 See Fraticelli, Opere minori di Dante (Firenze, 1892), vol. iii, 
pp. 462-3 ; see also Mod. Lang. Rev. vii. 4-5. 


given in the apparatus criticus of the above-mentioned 
article, will prove almost beyond question. 1 

The same MS. (Cod. S. Pantaleo 8) which contains the 
earlier translation contains also, following immediately 
after it, but transcribed by a different copyist, the Latin 
text of the letter (a transcript of which was printed in 
the Modern Language Beview, vol. vii, pp. 208-14). 
How far this translation was made direct from the Latin 
text in the same MS. (which is the earliest of the three 
MSS. in which Epist. vii has been preserved), and how 
far, consequently, it can be regarded as an independent 
authority, is an interesting question. On the one hand, 
there are several remarkable coincidences, three of them 
involving the same blunder, which seem to point to 
a close relation between the two. On the other hand, 
there is the no less striking fact that in a large number of 
instances the translation is markedly at variance with 
the accompanying Latin text ; from which it is evident 
that the translator cannot have been dependent upon the 
S. Pantaleo Latin text alone for his version, but must 
have had before him some other textual authority. It 
follows, therefore, that the Italian translation contained 
in this MS., which in one instance 2 offers a more correct 
reading than any of the extant MSS. of the Latin text, 
has a certain independent value of its own, as representing 
a text of the original which has since disappeared. 

The chief coincidences between the Italian translation 
and the Latin text in the S. Pantaleo MS. are the 
following : 

In the title, al gloriosissimo et felicissimo triunfactore 8 = 
gloriosissimo atque felicissimo triumpliatori (where the 

1 It will be noted at the same time that the earlier version is, as 
a rule, far more correct than the later one. (See, however, Parodi, 
in Bull. Soc. Dant. Ital., N.S. xxii. 138.) 

a Namely in 1. 56, where all three MSS. of the Latin text read 
Augustum, the translation has strectecca, representing angustum, 
which is undoubtedly the correct reading. 

3 Here the later translation is in agreement. 


Venetian MS. 1 reads sanctissimo triumphatori, while in the 
Vatican MS. 2 the title is wanting). 

In § 1, crudelmente 3 = impie (V. impios ; M. impie). 

sole innanci desiato 4 = Titan preoptatus (so V. ; 
M. precipitatus). 
In § 4, la voce discesa del cielo h = vox a nubibus (V. a 

nubis ; M. Annubis). 
In § 7, U suoi custumi anchora intorbeano li corsi del 
fiume d' arno 6 ; = sarni fluenta torrentis adliuc 
ntus inficiunt (V. M. rictus). 
nello amore del padre 7 = in amore patris (V. in 
Cinare patris ; M. in Cinere posita). 

It will be noted that in each of these last three passages 
the blunder of the S. Pantaleo Latin text (a nubibus for 
Anubis ; ritus for rictus ; and in amore patris for in Cinyrae 
patris) is faithfully reproduced in the translation. 

The principal divergences, on the other hand, which 
are far more numerous than the coincidences, are as 
follows : 

In § 1, soperbo inimico 8 = inplacabilis hostis (so V. 
spollio = denudare (a blunder for denudavit, the 

reading of V. M.). 
piangeremo 9 = defievimus (so V. M.). 
In § 3, le rasione (i. e. le ragioni 10 ) = vita (a blunder for 
iura, the reading of V. M.). 

1 Cod. Marc. Lat. xiv. (= MA For a transcript of this text, see 
Mod. Lang. Rev., vol. vii, pp. 433-40. 

2 Cod. Vat.-Palat. Lat. 1729 ( = V.). For a transcript of this text, 
see Mod. Lang. Eev., vol. vii, pp. 6-12. 

8 Here again the two translations are in agreement. 

4 Here the later translation has sole molto desiderato, the translator 
having evidently read peroptatus. 

5 So the later translation. 

6 The later translation has li suoi inganni awelenano. 

7 The later translation has nelfuoeo degli abbracciamenti del padre. 

8 So the later translation. 

9 The later translation has piangemo. 
10 So the later translation. 


Lombardia l = ligineranj (a blunder for ligurum, 

the reading of V. M.). 
strectecca= Augustum(a,bl\mder, whichis common 

also to V. M, for angustum). 
In § 4, confortando = coartando (a blunder for cohortando, 

the reading of V. ; M. cohartando). 
i regni deli romani = Romanaque tellus (V. M. 

Romanaque regna). 
In § 5, gli altri 2 = Latinos (so V. ; M. Latino). 
antiguardiamo* =precaveant (so V. M.). 
altri consigli* = alta consilia (so V. M.). 
In § 6, solicitamente 5 = instanter (so V. M.). 

vergeando 6 = virulente (V. virulenter ; M. via 

In § 7, rabbia 7 = same (so V. ; M. fumo). 

con malvagio vageiamento 8 = improba pro capaci- 

tate (V. M., improba procacitate). 
adrende (for adtende) = adtendat (so V. ; M. 

accendit, for attendit). 
convengono* = wow conveniunt (so V. ; M. 

e£iam c). 

Here we have no less than seventeen passages where 
the translation exhibits a marked divergence from the 
S. Pantaleo Latin text ; in five of which, moreover, 
blunders (denudare for denudavit ; vita for iura ; Augustum 
for angustum ; coartando for cohortando ; j?ro capacitate for 
procacitate) in the latter are corrected in the translation. 

1 So the later translation. 

2 The later translation has i Latini. 

3 The later translation has guardino avanti. 

4 The later translation has alti c. 

5 The later translation has instantemente. 

6 The later translation has essendo verdi. 

7 So the later translation. 

8 The later translation has con malvagia sollecitudine. 

9 The later translation has non c. 


I. Index Nominum (comprising names of persons, places, and works 
mentioned or alluded to in the text of the Epistolae). 

II. Index Verborum (comprising words, word-forms, or examples of 

these, occurring in the present texts which are not registered 
in the American Dante Society's Concordance of the Latin 
Works of Dante). 

III. Index of Quotations (consisting of references to passages quoted, 

directly or indirectly, by Dante in the Epistolae from classical 
or other authors, and from Scripture, together with a Table 
giving the quotations in each of the Epistolae in the order in 
which they occur). 

IV. Bibliographical and General Index (covering the Introduction, 

Notes, and Appendices, and including, under Divina 
Commedia, a list of parallel passages in the Commedia and 

Nolc. — Throughout the Index the line references are to those on 
the right-hand side of the texts of the Epistolae as printed in 
the present edition (see Preface, pp. viii-ix). 


Note. — Cross references are indicated by printing the name 
referred to in square brackets at the end of the article. 

Names and references enclosed in square brackets in the body of 
an article, e. g. [Guido de Romena], are those which occur in the 
titles (not written by Dante) of Epist. ii, iv (iii), viii, ix. A single 
square bracket after a name, e.g. Bacchus], indicates that the 
person or place in question is alluded to only, not mentioned by 
name, by Dante. 

Abati, Ciolo degli], ix. 24 (qui- 

dam Ciolus). 
Aegyptii, v. 16. 
Aegyptus, x. 109, 113. 
Aeneas, vii. 68. 
Agag, vii. 85, 88. 
Agnus Dei, vii. 34. [Christus.] 
Alagherii, Dantes. [Dantes.] 
Alborum de Florentia, Pars, i. 

tit. 8. 
Alcides, vii. 92 ; magnanimus, 

vii. 94. 
Alcimus, viii. 49. 
Alcithoe], iii (iv). 35. 
Alexander [de Romena, ii. tit.~\, 

i. tit. ; ii. i ; Palatinus, ii. 25. 
Alpes, v. 81. 
Alpha, x. 475. [Deus.] 
Amalech, vii. 84, 85, 88. 
Amata, vii. 115; mulier furiata, 

vii. 132-3. [Florentia.] 
Ambrosius, viii. 85. 
Amos, vii.21 (A.filius). [Isaias.] 
Amphitrite, vii. 45 ; Oceanus, 

vii. 45, 48 ; viii. 138. 
Angeli, viii. 28. 
Animae, De Quantitate, x. 423. 
Antistes, viii. 125. [Papa: Boni- 

fazio VIII.] 
Anubis, vii. 67. [Mercurius.] 
Apenninus, vii. 12. 

Apocalypsis. [lohannis Visio.~\ 
Apollo, x. 242 (bis), 446, 449 ; 

Sol, iii (iv). 36; Hyperione 

natus, iii (iv). 39 ; Delius, 

vi. 40. 
Apostolica Sedes, i. Ht. 3 ; viii. 

19. [Ecclesia.] 
Apostolus, x. 392, 410. [Paulus.] 
Aprilis, vi. 145 (Kalendae A.). 
Arcippe], iii (iv). 35. 
Argi, v. 98. 
Aristoteles], viii. 61 ; x. 71, 215, 

227, 389 (Philosophus) ; viii. 

61 (Praeceptor). 
Arno. [Sarnus.] 
Ars Poetica. \_Poetria.~\ 
Ascanius, vii. 76 (alter A.) 

[Iohannes rex] ; Iulus, vii. 71. 
Astraea, viii. 82 ; Virgo, vii. 17. 
Atlas, vi. 60. 
Augusta, vii*. tit., 20 ; vii**. tit., 

17 ; vii***. tit, 6. [Imperatrix.] 
Augustalis, vi. 9 (solium A.) 
Augustinus, viii. 86 ; x. 422. 
Augustus 1 , vii. 11, 49; Octavia- 

nus, v. 99. 
Augustus 2 , v. 22, 36 ; vii. tit. } 59. 

Aurora, v. 3. 
Auster, x. 8. 
Austri Regina. [Saba, Regina.] 

1 See pp. 253, 254. 



Babylon, vii. 146; Confusio, vii. 

8, 147. 
Babylonii, vi. 36. 
Bacchus], iii (iv). 36 (semen 

Balaam, viii. 97. 
Baptista], vii. 23 (Praecursor). 

Bartolomei, Enrico. [Susa, 

Enrico di.] 
Battifolle, Gherardesca di. 

[Battifolle, G. de.] 
Battifolle, G. de, vii*. tit. ; vii**. 

tit. ; vii***. tit. 
Beda, viii. 87. 
Bergamo. [Pergamum.] 
Bernardus, x. 422. 
Boetius, x. 469. 
Bonifazio VIII], viii. 125 

(defunctus Antistes). 
Bos evangelizans, vii. 50. 

Brescia. [Brixia.] 
Brixia, vii. 100. 

Caesar, vii. 11, 47, 63 [Iulius] ; 

v. 117, 122 [TiberiusJ ; vi. 96 

[Federicus] ; v.23, 31 ; vi. 147 ; 

vii*. 8, 19; vii***. 6, 23 

[Henricus] ; v. 69, 117, 122 

Caesareus, x. tit. 2 (C. Princi- 

patus). [Imperium.] 
Calliopeus, iii (iv). 14 (sermo 

Cardinales] [viii. tit.~\ ; Ecclesiae 

militantis primi praepositi 

pili, viii. 32-3. 
Caritas, viii. 79, 82. 
Carthago, viii. 127. 
Caucasus, vi. 60. 
Causis, De, x. 290, 811. 
Chremes, x. 165. 
Christus, i. tit. 1 ; v. 120 ; vi. 

135 ; viii. 17, 80, 134 ; x. 114, 

393 ; Iesus Christus, viii. 53 ; 

Lux nostra, v. 121; Agnus 

Dei, vii. 34 ; Dei Filius, v. 

114; Unigenitus Dei Filius, 

vii. 52; Filius, viii. 12; 

Crucifixus, viii. 33. 
Cicero. [Tullius.] 
Cino da Pistoja], iii (iv). tit. 

(exulans Pistoriensis). 
Cinyras, vii. 114-15. 
Ciolo degli Abati], ix. 24 (qui- 

dam Ciolus). 
Clemens, v. 128 ; Petri successor, 

v. 128-9 ; Alcimus, viii. 49. 
Coelesti Hierarchia, De, x. 310. 
Coelo, De, x. 389. 
Colonna, Iacopo], viii. 120 

(collega Ursi). 
Colonna, Pietrol, viii. -120 

(collega Ursi). 
Comoedia (Dantis), x. 55, 88, 144, 

168, 197, 198 ; Paradisus, x. 

56, 171, 199, 221 ; Infernus, x. 

Consideraiione, De, x. 422. 
Consolatione Philosophiae, De, x. 

Contemplatione, De, x. 421. 
Corinthios, Epistola ad. [Epistola.\ 
Cremona, vii. 99. 
Curio, vii. 63. 

Damascenus, viii. 87. 

Daniel, x. 426. 

Dantes Alagherii, [ii. tit. 1]; v. 

tit. ; vi. tit. ; vii. tit. ; ix. 19-20 ; 

x. tit., 145 ; Dantes [iv (iii). 

tit.~\ ; [viii. tit.~\ ; ix. 31 ; x. 

199 ; Florentinus exul, iii (iv). 

David, viii. 5 ; proles Isai, vii. 

Decretalistae]. [Innocentius : 

Ostiensis 2 .] 
De la Scala, Kanis Grandis. 

[Kanis Grandis.] 
Delia, vi. 39. 
Delius, vi. 40. [Sol.] 
Demetrius, viii. 49. 
Deus, v. 50, 58, 86, 88, 91, 102, 

104, 114, 127; vi. 15, 23, 34, 

45, 48, 70, 137 ; vii. 1, 27, 34, 

52, 128, 138 ; vii*. tit., 15 ; 



vii**. tit. ; vii***. tit, 19 ; viii. 
7, 13, 26, 55, 58, 89 ; x. 26, 33, 
269, 275, 285, 337, 356, 375, 
380, 386, 397, 403, 412, 468, 
474, 476 ; mundi Gubernator 
aeternus, vii*. 18 ; aeternus 
Rex, vi. 1 ; summus Rex, 
vii***. 6 ; Pater, viii. 12 ; 
Alpha et O, x. 475. 

Diabolus], vii, 4-5 (antiquus 

Dionysius, viii. 87 ; x. 309. 

Divina Commedia. \_Comocdia 

Donati, Niccolo], ix. 9 (vester 
meique nepos). 

Donnti, Teruccio], ix [tit. (Ami- 
cus Florentinus)] ; Pater, ix. 
15, 29. 

Ecclesia, i. tit. 6 ; v. 90 ; vii. 28 ; 

Mater Ecclesia, viii. 75 ; 

Ecclesia militans, viii. 121-2; 

Sponsa Christi, viii. 39, 80, 

134 ; Crucifixi Sponsa, viii. 

33-4 ; Navicula Petri, vi. 10 ; 

Apostolica Sedes, i. tit. 3 ; viii. 

19, 131. 
Ecclesiasticus, x. 322. 
Enrico di Susa], viii. 88 (Ostien- 

sis 2 ). 
Ephesios, Epistola ad. [Epistola.~\ 
Epistola ad Corinthios, x. 410. 
Epistola ad Ephesios, x. 393. 
Eridanus, vii. 37 ; Padus, vii. 

Eihica, x. 210 ; morale negotium, 

x. 210. 
Europa, vii. 42. 
Evangelium secundum Iohannem, 

x. 467. 
Evangelium secundum Matt/taeum, 

x. 417. 
Ezechiel, x. 396, 419 ; Propheta, 

viii. 40. 

Faesulani, vi. 123. 
FedericodiSicilia], v. tit. (Italiae 

Federicus prior, vi. 99. 
Federicus secundus], vi. 96 

Filippo di Francia], viii. 49 

Florentia, i. tit, 48 ; vii. 111 ; 

[viii. tit~\ ; ix. 11, 33 ; 

vulpecula, vii. 107 ; pernicies, 

vii. 111; vipera, vii. 112; 

languida pecus, vii. 113; 

Myrrha, vii. 114 ; Amata, vii. 

115 ; mulier furiata, vii. 

Florentini, vi. tit ; populus 

Florentinus, i. 26 ; ix. 37 ; 

Florentina gens, i. 32 ; Tusco- 

rum vanissimi, vi. 103-4 ; 

Faesulanorum propago, vi. 

123 ; alteri Babylonii, vi. 36. 
Florentinus, i. 26; ix. 37 (popu- 

lus F.) ; i. 32 (F. gens) ; iii (iv). 

tit. (F. exul) ; v. tit ; vi. tit ; 

vii. tit ; x. tit, 145 (Dantes 

Alagherii F.) ; vi. 38 (F. 

civilitas) ; [ix. tit. (amicus F.)]. 
Fortuitorum Remedia, iii (iv). 42. 

Gaetani, Francesco], viii. 124-5 

(Transtiberinae sectator fa- 

Gelboe, vi. 50. 
Gentes, v. 124 ; viii. 19, 25. 
Gentium Praedicator, viii. 19. 

Gherardino da Filattiera], viii. 

84 (Lunensis pontifex). 
Ghibellini], vii. 142 (Israel). 
Golias, vii. 139. 
Gregorius, viii. 85. 
[Guido de Romena, ii. tit.~\ 

Hannibal, viii. 108. 
Hectoreus, v. 65 (H. pastor). 

Helicon. x. 9 . 
Henricus, v. 22 ; vi. 133 ; vii. 

tit. ; Henricus Caesar, vi. 146- 

7 ; vii***. 23 ; Caesar, v. 23, 31 ; 

vii*. 8, 19; vii***. 6, 23; 



Augustus, v. 22, 36; vii. tit, 
59 ; Titan pacificus, v. 8 ; 
alius Moyses, v. 15 ; Sponsus 
(Italiae), v. 21 ; Mundi sola- 
tium, v. 21 ; novus agricola 
Romanorum, v. 62 ; Hectoreus 
pastor, v. 65 ; Rex (Italiae), 
v. 75 ; Romanus princeps, vi. 
22-3 ; Mundi rex, vi. 23 ; Dei 
minister, vi. 23 ; delirantis 
Hesperiae domitor, vi. 63-4 ; 
Romanae rei baiulus, vi. 132 ; 
triumphator, vi. 132 ; vii. tit. ; 
dominus singularis, vii. tit.; 
Romanorum rex, vii. tit. ; 
Caesaris et*Augusti successor, 
vii. 11 ; Sol noster, vii. 19 ; 
praeses unicus Mundi, vii. 
98-9; excellentissimusprinci- 
pum, vii. 106 ; proles altera 
Isai, vii. 137 ; Romanus 
principatus, vii*. 21. 

Hercules], vii. 92 (Alcides). 

Hesperia, vi. 64. [Italia.] 

Hier-. [Ier-.] 

Hierarchia, De Coelesti, x. 310. 

Horatius, x. 162, 177. 

Hydra, vii. 90 ; pestilens animal, 
vii. 93. 

Hyperion, iii (iv). 39. 

Iaeob, x. 110. 

lacobus], x. 417 (discipulus). 

Iacopo Colonna. [Colonna.] 

Ieremias, viii. 21 ; x. 316 ; vir 
propheticus, viii. 8. 

Ierusalem, ii. 26 (superna I.) ; 
vii. 145 ; viii. 9 ; x. 8 ; civitas 
David, viii. 5. 


Imperator], v. 23, 31, 69, 117, 
122; vi. 96, 147; vii. 11, 47, 
63 ; vii*. 8, 19 ; vii***. 6, 23 
(Caesar) ; v. 22, 36 ; vii. tit., 
59 (Augustus); v. 88; vi. 22-3 
(Romanus princeps) ; vii*. 21 
(Romanus principatus) ; vii*. 
tit. (Magnificentia) ; vii. tit. 
(dominus singularis) ; vii**. 

14 (Princeps singularis) ; v. 

65 (Hectoreus pastor). 
Imperatrix], vii*. tit, 20 ; vii**. 

tit., 17 ; vii***. tit., 6 (Augusta); 

vii*. 8 (coniunx Caesaris) ; 

viii***. 17 (Romanorum pia 

et serena Maiestas). 
Imperialis, vii***. tit. (I. in- 

Imperium, v. 76 ; vi. 3, 37 ; vii. 

39, 48 ; vii*. 21 ; vii**. tit. ; 

vii***. 21 ; Caesareus Princi- 

patus, x. tit. 
Infernus. [Comoedia Dantis.~\ 
Innocentius, viii. 88. 
Inventione Rhetorica, De. [Rhetorica, 

Iohannem, Evangelium secundum. 

Iohannes Baptista], vii. 23 

Iohannes Evangelista, x. 467 ; 

discipulus, x. 417. 
Iohannes rex, vii. 74 ; alter 

Ascanius, vii. 76. 
Iohannis Visio, x. 476. 
Iosue, vii. 21. 
Isai, vii. 137 (proles altera L). 

Isaias, vi. 136 ; Amos filius, vii. 

Israel,'vii. 81, 83, 142; x. 109, 

111, 112 ; domus Iacob, x. 

Itali, ii. 9 ; vi. 14 ; viii. 113, 

116; Latini, viii. 141; incolae 

Latiales, v. 75-6. 
Italia, v. tit, 19; vi. 11, 147 

vii. 42, 72, 149 : vii***. 23 

viii. 135 ; Hesperia, vi. 64 

Latium, vii. 15 ; Scipionum 

patria, viii. 128. 
Italus, v. tit 
Iudaea, x. 110. 
Iudaei, viii. 25. 
Iudas, v. 14. 

Iulius], vii. 11, 47, 63 (Caesar). 
Iulus, vii. 71 ; Ascanius, vii. 76. 



Iunius, vii***. 22 (Kalendae I.). 
Iuppiter, x. 325. 
Iustitia. [Astraea.] 

Ja-, Je-, Jo-, Ju-. [Ia-, Ie-,Io-, 

Kanis Grandis de la Scala, x. tit. 
1-2; Magnificentia, x. 1, 459. 

L., Frater, i. 36, 44. 

Latialis, v. 76 (incolae L.) 

[Itali] ; viii. 112 (L. caput) 

Latini l , vii. 78. 
Latini 2 , v. 40. [Romani.] 
Latini 3 , viii. 141. [Itali.] 
Latium, vii. 15. [Italia.] 
Leucippe], iii (iv). 35. 
Leucothoe, iii (iv). 38. 
Levitae], viii. 4 (Levitica proles). 
Leviticus, viii. 4 (L. proles). 
Ligures, vii. 39. 
Longobardi, v. 39. 
Lucanus, x. 324. 
Lucas Evangelista], vii. 50 

(Bos evangelizans). 
Lucifer, x. 395. 
Lunensis, viii. 84 (L. pontifex). 


Maius, vii. 149 (Kalendae M.). 
[Malaspina, Moroellus, iv (iii). 

tii.~\ ; Magnificentia, iv (iii). 5. 
Marchia Tervisina, i. tit. 
Margarita, vii*. tit. ; vii**. tit. ; 

vii***. tit. ; Romanorum re- 

gina, vii*. tit. ; vii**. tit. ; 

vii***. tit. ; Romanorum 

Maiestas, vii***,17; Augusta, 

vii*. tit., 20; vii**. tit., 17; 

\ii***. tit., 6; coniunxCaesaris, 

vii*. 8 ; regiaBenignitas, vii*. 

1 ; regia Celsitudo, vii**. 8 ; 

vii***. 13 ; Culmen, vii**. 19 ; 

Serenitas, vii***. 1 ; Subli- 

mitas, vii***. 9. 
Maria], vii. 54 (Virgo) ; viii. 13 

(Mater et Virgo). 

Maro, vii. 17. [Virgilius.] 
Matthaeum, Evangelium secundum. 

\_Evangelium. ] 
Mediolanum, vi. 100 ; vii. 89. 
Mercurius], vii. 67 (Anubis). 
Meiamorphoseos], iii (iv). 32 (De 

Rerum Transformatione). 
Metaphysica, x. 71, 215, 284. 
Moroellus Malaspina. [Mala- 

Moyses, v. 15; x. 113. 
Myrrha, vii. 114. [Florentia.] 

Nabuchodonosor, x. 426. 
Napoleone Orsini. [Orsini.] 
Naso, iii (iv). 32. [Ovidius.] 
Nemesis. [Rhamnusia.] 
Neri], vii. 142 (Philistaei). 
Niccolo da Prato], i. tit. (Nicho- 
laus) ; i. tit. (Ostiensis et 
Vallatiensis episcopus) ; i. 2, 
46 (Pietas) ; i. 12 (Paternitas). 
Niccolo Donati. [Donati.] 
Nicholaus. [Niccolo da Prato.] 
Nova Rhetorica, x. 246. 

O, x. 475. [Deus.] 
[Obertus de Romena, ii. tit.~\ 
Oceanus, vii. 45, 48 ; viii. 138 ; 

Amphitrite, vii. 45. 
Octavianus, v. 99 ; Augustus, vii. 

11, 49. 
Orsini, Napoleone], viii. 120 

Ostiensis l , i. tit. (0. episcopus). 

[Niccolo da Prato. ] 
Ostiensis 2 , viii. 88. [Enrico di 

Ovidius], iii (iv). 32 (Naso). 
Oza, viii. 50, 63. 

Padus, vii. 109 ; Eridanus, vii. 

Palatinus, ii. 25 (P. in Tu3cia) ; 

vii*. tit. ; vii**. tit. ; vii***. tit. 

(Comitissa in Tuscia P.). 
Pallas, x. 9. 
Papa], Antistes, viii. 125 ; 

Apostolicum Culmen, viii. 




123 ; Nauelerus navieulae 

Petri, vi. 10 ; Pater patrum, 

vii. 127-8; Petrus, v. 68, 127; 

Successor Petri, v. 128-9 ; 

Summus Pontifex, vii. 127. 
Papia, vii. 101. 
Paradisus, x. 258, 338, 387, 397, 

Puradisus. \Comoedia Daniis.~\ 
Parmenses, vi. 93. 
Parnassus, x. 454. 
Paulus, viii. 19; Apostolus, x. 

392, 410; gentium praedicator, 

viii. 19. 
Pavia. [Papia.] 
Peleus, x. 167. 
Pergama, vi. 77. 
Pergamum, vii. 103. 
Petrus, v. 68, 127, 128 ; vi. 10 ; 

viii. 15, 18 ; Dei vicarius, v. 

127; discipulus, x. 417. 
Phaeton, viii. 35 ; falsus auriga, 

viii. 34-5. 
Pharisaei, viii. 3, 59. 
Philistaei, vii. 142. 
Philistini, vii. 141. 
Philosophiae, De Consolatione, x. 469. 
Philosophus. [Aristoteles.] 
Phryges, v. 98. [Troiani.] 
Physica, x. 352. 
Pietro Colonna. [Colonna.] 
Pilatus, v. 121. 
Pirenes, vi. 60. 
Pistoja, Cino da. [Cino.] 
Pistoriensis, iii (iv). tit. (exulans 

Plato, x. 438. 
Poctria, x. 162, 177. 
Poppii castrum, vii***. 22. 
Potestates, viii. 27. 
Praeceptor. [Aristoteles.] 
Praecursor. [Iohannes Bap- 

Praedicator, Gentium. [Paulus.] 
Prato, Niccolo da. [Niccolo.] 
Propheta. [Ezechiel.] 
Psalmorum, Liber, x. 318. 

Quantitate Animae, De, x. 423. 

Remedia, Fortuitorum, iii (iv). 42. 

Rerum Transformatione, De. [Meta- 

Khamnusia, iii (iv). 41. 

Rhetorica, x. 228. 

Rhetorica, Nova, x. 246. 

Richardus de Sancto Victore, x. 

Ftoberto di Napoli], v. tit. (Italiae 
rex) ; vii. 131 (rex) ; vii. 139 

Roma, vii. 120; viii. 16, 107, 
135 ; alma urbs, v. tit. ; sacro- 
sanctum ovile, viii. 16; Latiale 
caput, viii. 112-13; sedes 
Sponsae Christi, viii. 134. 

Romani, v. 62 ; vi. 3 ; vii. iit. , 
41 ; vii*. tit. ; vii**. tit. ; vii***. 
tit., 17 ; Latini, v. 40. 

Romaniola, i. tit. 

Romanus, ii. 24 (R. aula) ; v. 88 ; 
vi. 22-3 (R. princeps) ; vi. 38 
(R. civilitas) ; vi. 132 (R. res); 
vii. 28 (R. gloria); vii. 72 
(R. tellus) ; vii*. 21 (R. princi- 

[Romena, Alexander de, ii. tit.~\ 

[Romena, Guido de, ii. tit.~\ 

[Romena, Obertus de, ii. tit.~\ 

Rutuli], vii. 77 (Turni). 

Saba, Regina], x 8 (Austri 

Sabaoth, vii. 138. 
Saguntum, vi. 91. 
Samuel, vii. 80. 
Sancto Victore, Richardus de, 

x. 420-1. 
Sapientiae, Liber, x. 30, 321. 
Saraceni, v. 20 ; viii. 25. 
Sarnus, iv (iii). 10 ; vi. 146 ; 

vii. 110, 148. 
Saturnius, vii. 16 (S. regna). 
Saul], vii. 82-3 (rex super Israel) . 
Scala, Kanis Grandis de la. 

[Kanis Grandis.] 
Scandinavia, v. 43. 
Scipiones, viii. 128. 



Semele, iii (iv). 36. 

Seneca, iii (iv). 43 ; x. 154. 

Sirenes, v. 46. 

Sol, iii (iv). 36 ; Hyperione 

natus, iii (iv). 39 ; Titan, v. 

8 ; vii. 14 ; Delius, vi. 40. 

Speculum, viii. 88. 
Spiritus Sanctus, viii. 8; x. 28- 

9, 316 ; Spiritus, v. 115 ; viii. 

81; Spiritus Dei, vi. 136-7; 

Spiritus Domini, x. 321. 
Spoletum, vi. 100. 
Susa, Enrico di], viii. 88 

(Ostiensis a ). 

Tarpeius, vii. 12 (signa T.). 
Telephus, x. 167. 
Terentius, x. 157. 
Teruccio Donati. [Donati.] 
Tervisina, Marchia, i. tit. 
Thessalia, v. 37, 38. 
Tiberis, vii. 109 ; viii. 1 12. 
Tiberius], v. 117, 122 (Caesar). 
Titan, v. 8 ; vii. 14. [Sol.] 
Transformatione, De Rerum. [Meta- 

Transtiberinus, viii. 124 (T. 

Troiani, v. 40 ; Phryges, v. 98. 
Troianus, vii. 47. 
Tullius, x. 245, 248. 
Turni, vii. 77. [Rutuli.] 
Turnus], vii. 117 (gener). 
Tuscani, ii. 14. 

Tuscanus, vii. 59 (T. tyrannis). 
Tusci, vi. 103 ; vii. tit. 
Tuscia, i. tit. ; ii. 25; vi. 145 ; vii. 

38, 148 ; vii*. tit. ; vii**. tit. ; 

vii***. tit. 

Ursus. [Orsini.] 

Vallatrensis, i. tit. (V.episcopus). 

[Niccolo da Prato.] 
Vascones, viii. 140. 
Vercelli, vii. 102. 
Verona, x. tit., 9. 
Vicentia, x. tit. 
Victoria, vi. 97. 
Virgilius], vii. 17 (Maro). 
Virgo 1 , vii. 54; Mater et Virgo, 

viii. 13. [Maria.] 
Virgo 2 , vii. 17; Astraea, viii. 82. 
Visio Iohannis, x. 476. 



M. 1 
M. 2 





-In this Index : 

(for Epist. x) Cod. Ambrosiano C. 145. Inf., at Milan. 
(for Epist. vii) Cocl. Marc. Lat. xiv. 115, at Venice ; (for Epist. x) 

Cod. Lat. 78, at Munich. 
(for Epist. x) Cod. Magliabechiano vi. 164. A, at Florence. 
(for Epist. x) Cod. Magliabechiano vi. 164. B, at Florence. 
(for Epist. x) Cod. Mediceo, at Florence. 

(for Epist. v, vii) Cod. S. Pantaleo 8, at Rome. 

(for Epist. v, vii) Cod. Vat.-Palat. Lat. 1729, at Rome ; 

Epist. x) Cod. Capit. S14, at Verona. 
Oxford Dante (third ed. 1904). 
omit, omits. 


a, vii*. 12. 

ab, vii*. 14 ; vii**. 20. 

accumulat, vii**. 11. 

aciem, vii*. 3. 

ad, vii*. 7, 19 ; vii***. tit. 6, 8, 

23; x. 111 (M.^M.20. oro.), 

113 (M. ? 0. oro.), 115 (M. 2 0. 

oro.), 116 (M. 2 0. oro.). 
adeo, vii*. 4. 
adesset, vii***. 13. 
adiectus, viii. 86 (O. ab-). 
adimitanda, viii. 38 (0. ad imi- 

adimplebat, vii***. 7. 
adiuvalis, vii*. tit. 3-4. 
adversum, vii. 128 (0. -us). 
aereum, ii. 9 (MS. ereum; O. 

aestu, vii**. 20. 
aeterna, x. 468 (M. 2 0. vera) ; 

aeternus, vii*. 18. 
aevi, vii*. 22. 
aflfectus, vii*. 17. 
agendi, vii. 131 (V.O. -da). 
t agitur, viii. 101 (MS. 0. agit). 

Alagherii, ii. tit. (MS. allagerij ; 

O.Aligherius) ; v. tit. (P.Alegherij; 

V. Alagerij ; O. Alighetius) ; vi. 

tit. {0. Aligherius) ; vii. tit. (M. 

Aldigherrj ; O. Aligherius) ; ix. 

20 (MS. alla. ; O. Aligherius) ; 

x. tit. 4 (A.M. Aligerius; M. 1 

M 2 .Me.V. Allagherii; O. Ali- 

gherius), 145 (M^.M.^V. Alla- 

gherii ; O. Aligherii). 
alienum, vii*. 14. 
alii, viii. 108 (0. -is). 
aliquam, x. 332 (O. aliquid), 332 

(M 2 .Me.V. oro. ; O. aliquid) ; 

aliquo, x. 332 (O. oro.). 
aliquid, yii***. 14. 
alludens, v. 46 (O. il-). 
almae, vi. 29 (0. altissimae). 
alpha, x. 475 (M.^M.^Me.O. 

amplexata, v. 113 (O. -atam). 
amplior, vii**. 10. 
fanimi, vii***. 3 (MS. ta) ; 

animus, vii**. 4. 

anno, vir 


1 See pp. 253, 254. 

f Conjectural. 



ante, vii. tit. 6 (0. om.) ; vii*. 

tit. 6 ; vii***. 1. 
t antecedenter, ix. 30 (MS. aut. .; 

0. aut). 

Anubis, vii. 67 (M. Annubis; P.O. 

a nubibus ; V. a wwMs). 
apicem, vii*. 11. 
f apostatae, viii. 27 (MS. apo- 

testate ; O. ac potesiati). 
apparitione, iv (iii). 13 (O. admi- 

apparuit, vii***. 1. 
apprehensio, vii**. 8. 
Apriles, vi. 145 (MS. -leis; 0. -lis). 
arriserit, vii**. 5. 
aspectum, vii***. 2. 
assumpta, vii*. 2. 
at, vii. 144 (0. ac) ; vii**. 9. 
atque, vii. tit. 1 (O. om.) ; vii*. tit. 

1, 16 ; vii**. tit. 1 ; vii***. tit. 1. 
attendat, vii. 132 (M. accendit; 

O. attendit). 
audacias, v. 34 (O. -iis). 
audeo, vii***. 8. 
audiat, vii***. 16. 
audientiam, vii***. 8. 
Augustae, vii*. tit. 3, 20 ; vii**. 

tit 3, 17 ; vii***. tit. 3, 6. 
aula, vii*. 17. 

Auroram,v.3 (V. om. ; O. albam). 
auspitia, vii*. 19. 

barbaras, vii*. 21. 

Battifolle, vii*. tit. 3 ; vii**. tit. 

3 ; vii***. tit. 3. 
Benignitatis, i. 10 (O. ben-) ; 

vii*. 1. 

Caesaris, vii*. 8, 19 ; vii***. 6, 

tcaperent, iii (iv). 11 (MS. 

carent; O. capiunt). 
castro, vii***. 22. 
t causa, viii. 1 19 (MS. cum ; O. 

om.) ; causas, vii**. 11. 
Celsitudini, vii***. 13 ; -dinis, 

vii**. 8. 

circa, x. 35 (M. contra; M.^M. 2 

O. om.), 219 (M. x M. 2 Me.O. 

cives, vii*. 22. 
civilitati, vii**. 14 ; -tatis, vii*. 

clausurarum, vii***. 12. 
clementia, vii**. 17. 
clementissimae, vii*. tit. 1. 
coadiutricis, vii*. 20. 
coaequata, vii*. 19. 
coelesti, vii**. 12 ; coelestis, 

vii**. tit. 2. 
coelum, x. 413 (O. Paradisum). 
collaetentur, vii***. 4. 
collocare, vii**. 19. 
coluber, v.*72 (V. om. ;0. serpentis). 
Comitissa, vii*. tit. 4 ; vii**. tit. 4 ; 

vii***. tit. 4. 
commaculat, vii. 114 (V.O. -ans). 
commendare, vii**. 5. 
t commiserans, v. 15 (P.V.O. 

commorantium, viii. 44 (MS. 

commurancium ; O. commu- 

comoedia, x. 174 (O. om.). 
comos, x. 147 (O. -us). 
concepi, vii**. 4 ; vii***. 5. 
concipientis, vii**. 4. 
concipite, v. 60 (0. -cipiatis). 
condescendat, vii*. 9. 
condescensui, vii*. 18. 
conditione, vii***. 14. 
confectat, vii**. 11. 
confidens, vii**. 12. 
coniunx, vii*. 8 ; vii***. 18. 
consequenter, x. 388 (O. -sonanter). 
consortis, vii*. 7. 
continebantur, vii***. 4. 
t continua, ii. 18 (MS. O. -nuo). 
cordis, vii***. 5. 
cuiusque, vii**. 20. 
Culminis, vii**. 19. 
cum, vii***. tit. 5, 5. 
cura, ii. 19 (0. cara). 
cursus, vii**. 3 ; vii***. 23. 

t Conjectural. 



de, vii*. 7 ; vii**. 2, 12, 14, 17 ; 

vii***. 14, 22. 
debent, vii*. 12. 
debitae, vii*. tit. 5. 
debitum, vii**. tit. 5. 
debrja, vii**. 7. 
decorus, x. 397 (0. perfectus). 
decuit, vii*. 3. 
dedecuit, vii*. 11. 
t degradati, viii. 120 (MS. de- 

grattati ; O. degratiati). 
Dei, vii*. tit. 3 ; vii**. tit. 4 ; vii***. 

tit. 4, 19 ; Deum, vii*. 15. 
delirantis, vii*. 22. 
deposco, vii**. 18 ; vii***. 10. 
devotae, vii*. tit. 5. 
devote, vii**. 2 ; vii***. 10. 
devotionis, vii*. 5. 
devotissima, vii**. tit. 3. 
dextera, vii***. 5 ; -am, vii*. 20. 
diceremus, x. 383 (M.^M.^Me. 

0. dicerem). 
dicit, x. 71 (M.O. dixit). 
dicitur, x. 174 (0. om.). 
dignas, vii*. 13. 

dignemini, vii**. 20 ; vii***. 10. 
dignitas, vii*. 10. 
diurnis, iv (iii). 15 (O. divinis). 
diuturna, vii*. 8. 
divina, vii*. tit. 2 ; vii***. tit. 2. 
documenta, vii**. 1. 
dominae, vii*. tit. 1 ; vii**. tit. 

1 ; vii***. tit. 1. 
dominantis, iv (iii). 2 (O. -antur). 
dominorum, vii***. 3 ; Dominus, 

vii. 83 (V.M.O. Deus). 
dono, vii***. 19. 
dubito, vii**. 13. 
dulcescerent, vii*. 4. 
duxit, v. 117 (P. iussit ; O. dixif). 

ea, vii**. 1; vii***. 4; x. 252 
(O. ex iis) ; ei, v. 70 (V. om. ; 
O. eius) ; eius, iv (iii). 19 (MS. 
enim ; O. ei). 

eclipsis, viii. 119 (O. -eos). 

ego, vii*. 7 ; yii***. 19. 

elogiis, vi. 7 (O. eloquiis). 

emanare, vii*. 13. 

enarrandum, vii*. 7. 

enim, vii**. 6. 

epistola, vii*. 1 ; -ae, vii**. 1. 

equidem, vii**. 12. 

ergo, vii***. 8. 

eructuavit, iii (iv). 1 (O. -tavit). 

esse, vii*. 14 ; vii**. 21 ; x. 296 

(M. 2 es£; M.H). om.). 
essentiam, x. 332 (0. om.). 
est, v. 98 (0. om.) ; vii*. 14 ; 

vii***. 2 ; x. 198 (O. erit). 
et, v. 126 (O. ac) ; vii. tit. 3 (0. 

om.) ; ix. 2 (O. ex) ; x. tit. 2 

(O. om.), 134 (0. aut). 
etiam, vii*. 11. 
ex,x. 12 (M.^M.^Me.V.O. om.). 
exempla, vii*. 12. 
exhibere, vii**. tit. 6. 
exorans, vii***. 9. 
exorare, vii*. 15. 
exordia, vii**. 15. 
experta, vii***. 2, 7. 
explicare, vii**. 9. 
ex quo, vii***. 17. 
extendat, vii*. 20. 
extimetis, viii. 91 (0. aest-). 
exultans, vii**. 17. 

facies, vii***. 15. 
facilis, iii (iv). 30 (O. -e). 

facultas, \\i* 


falli, vii**. 13. 

familiam, vii*. 23. 

familiariter, vii**. 3. 

famulatum, vii***. tit. 6. 

faustissimi, vii***. 22. 

felicia, vii**. 15. 

felicissimi, vii**. 3; -issimo, vii. 

tit. (0. sanctissimo). 
feliciter, v ii***. 6. 
fervore, vii*. 4. 
fidei, vii***. 11. 
fidelissima, vii***. tit. 3. 
fidelitas,vii***.2 ; -tatis,vii***.7. 
fidelium, vii***. 4. 

t Conjectural. 



flexis, vii**. tit. 5. 

Florentino, ix. 37 (0. Floren- 

tinaeque) . 
fonte, vi. 146 (O. -em) ; vii. 148 

(O. -em) ; vii*. 12. 
forma, iv (iii). 12 (O. foriunae). 
fortissima, vii*. 8. 
fuerint, vii**. 10. 
fuit, vii*. 2. 
futuris, vii**. 16. 

gaudentes, vii***. 20. 
gaudio, vii*. 6. 
genibus, vii**. tit. 5. 
gloria, vii*. 23. 
gloriosa, vii. 41 (O. om.). 
gloriosissimae, vii*. tit. 1 ; -mo, 

vii. tit. 1 (O. om.). 
gradum, vii***. 7 ; -uum, vii*. 11. 
grata, vii**. 10. 
grates, vii*. 13. 
gratia, vii*. tit. 4 ; vii**. tit. 4 ; 

vii***. tit. 4 ; gratiae, vii*. 20 ; 

x. 66 (0. gloriae). 
gratiosa, ix. 19 (0. gloriosa). 
gratissima, vii*. 1. 
gratuita, vii**. 1. 
f gratuitas, iv (iii). 2 (MS. gratui- 

tatis; O. gratitudinis). 
gratulantis, vii*. 10 ; vii***. 2. 
gubernator, vii*. 18. 

ha, vi. 103 (O. ah). 

haec, viii. 61 (O. hoc) ; hoc, viii. 

95 (O. hi). 
haesitatione, vii**. 17. 
Helicona, x. 9 (M.W.O. -am). 
Henrici, vii*. 23 ; vii***. 23. 
hilaritate, vii***. 5. 
hinc, viii. 44 (O. haec). 
hominis, vii*. 14 ; -ine, vii*. 14. 
honoris, vii*. 9. 
hortari, vii***. 12. 
huius, iii (iv). 17(0. om.); iv(iii). 

16 (O. ' eius) ; x. 4 (M.W 

Me.V.O. hoc). 
huiusmodi, vii. 103 ( V.O. huius). 

humanae, vii**. 14 ; -orum, vii*. 

humilitas, vii**. 8. 
humiliter, vii**. tit. 5. 

iam, vii***. 8, 21. 

ideo, vii*. 16. 

illam, vii*. 3 ; illis, x. 21 (A.M. 

illas ; 0. om.). 
illiciendo, vii. 124 (M. ali- ; 0. 

illustrissimae, vii***. tit. 1. 
imperialis, vii***. tit. 4. 
imperii, vii**. tii. 4 ; vii***. 21 ; 

-erio, vii*. 21. 
impetivit, vii. 95 (0. imped-). 
impetret, vii*. 17. 
impie, vii. 7 (V. -os ; O. -us). 
in, v. 48 (V.O. om.) ; vii*. tit. 4, 

22, 24 ; vii**. iit, 4, 15, 16 ; 

vii***. tit. 4, 3, 5; viii. 53 

(MS. 0. om.). 
incaluit, vii*. 5. 
inclinari, vii*. 11. 
incolumes, vii***. 19. 
inde, viii. 44 (0. ad). 
indulgentiae, vii***. tit. 4. 
ineffabiliter, vii**. 10. 
inferioribus, vii*. 13. 
inficit, viii. 65 (O. -iet). 
in invicem, vi. 94-5 (O. invicem). 
inire, vii***. 8. 
initis, v. 35 (0. -iis). 
innectit, vii. 133 (O. -at). 
insinuata, vii**. 9. 
insperatae, v. 74 (P. insperare ; 

V. erate ; O. speratae). 
insufticientiae, vii*. 15. 
intellecta, v. 92 (P. reUitta ; O. 

intellexi, vii**. 2. 
intentum, sb. iii (iv). 16 (O.part.). 
interdicat, vii***. 15. 
interdum, vii***. 11. 
interrogatum, viii. 15 (O. -ato). 
intimata, vii**. 4. 
intueri, vii***. 10. 

f Conjectural. 



intuitu, vii**. iit. 2. 

inventum, x. 211 (O. incoeptum). 

f invidiam, x. 66 (A.M.O. 

nostram ; M.^Me.V. vitam). 
ipsa, vii**. 7 ; vii***. 5 ; viii. 

21 (MS. ipso ; O. ipsum) ; ipsam, 

vii***. tit. 6. 
ista, x. 221 (Me.O. om.); istis, 

x. 390 (0. suis). 
Italiam, vii***. 23. 
itaque, vii*. 13 ; vii**. 7. 
ita quod, x. 371 (V. itaque ; 0. eo 

quod), 376 (V. itaque ; 0. eo 

quod), 379 (0. itaque). 
iubet, vii***. 17. 
iucunda, vii**. 10. 
Iunias, vii***. 22. 
iusta, vii**. 11 ; -is, vii*. 16. 

kalendas, vii***. 22. 

laetandi, vii**. 11. 

laetanter, vii*. 2. 

laetiores, vii***. 20. 

largiente, vii**. tit. 4. 

Latiales, v. 76 ( ; O.Italiae). 

lectitantis, vii*. 4 (MS. leti-). 

libens, vii**. 4. 

liberorum, vii***. 19. 

literas, vii**. 9. 

lugenda, viii. 21 (0. -do). 

Magnificentiae, vii*. tit. 4. 
maiestas, vii***. 17. 
manibus, vii*. 2. 
Marchia, i. tit. 4 (0. Maritima). 
Margaritae, vii*. tit. 2 ; vii**. 

tit. 1-2 ; vii***. tit. 1-2. 
me, vii. 33 (O. te) ; vii**. 18 ; 

mihi, vii*. 7. 
mea, vii***. 2 ; meae, vii***. 7 ; 

f meas, viii. 16 (MS. O. om.) ; 

mei, vii***. 14 ; meis, vii*. 1 . 
mecum, v. 111 (O. nobis-). 
meliora, vii***. 21 ; -ori, vii**. 6. 
melius, vii*. 24 ; vii**. 15. 
memorare, vii*. 6. 

memoria, vii*. 6. 

mens, vii**. 7 ; mentis, vii*. 3 ; 

vii***. 10. 
mentales, viii. 110 (0. mor-). 
merita, vii*. 10. 
miserationis, vii**. tit. 2. 
missionis, vii***. 18. 
missum, vii***. 22. 
mores, x. 35 (M.^M.^V.O. om.). 
f moriatur, vi. 143 (MS. riuantur ; 

O. revertatur). 
mortalium, vii*. 22. 
mundi, vii*. 18. 
mussant, viii. 93 (MS. musant ; 

O. om.). 

nam, vii*. 6 ; vii***. 4. 
namque, iii (iv). 22 (O. enim). 
nationes, vii*. 21. 
nec, vii*. 6, 10. 

negligentem, iv(iii). 4 (O. -ter). 
nequaquam, vii. 54 (O. nun-). 
neque, vii*. 9 (MS. atque), 10. 
non, v. 58 (O. neve) ; vii*. 14 ; 

vii**. 6, 9, 13 ; viii. 89 (O. 

enim) ; x. 279 (O. vel). 
nonnulla, vii***. 12. 
nos, x. 36 (O. eos). 
nunc, vii*. 16 ; viii. 132 (0. om.) ; 

x. 216 (O. tunc). 
nunquam, vii*. 5 ; vii**. 13. 
nuntio, vii**. 6 ; -orum, vii***. 


fobcaecati, vi. 57 (MS. O. 

obediam, vii***. 16. 
obedientiae, vii***. 16. 
oblivia, vii*. 5 (MS. oblia). 
obsequia, vii***. tit. 6. 
oculis, vii*. 1 ; vii***. 10. 
officium, vii*. tit. 5-6 ; vii***. 8. 
opis, vii*. 14. 

oportet, viii. 111 (O. omnes). 
oraculi, iv (iii).^ 5 (O. oraiiun- 

orat, x. tit. 5 (O. optat). 

f Conjectural. 



ortu, v. 3 (V.O. ora.). 

osculum (ante), vii. tit. (0. oscu- 

f oves, viii. 16 (MS. O. ora.). 

pace, vi. 112 (0. -em). 

pagina, vii***. 1. 

Paiatina, vii*. tit. 5 ; vii**. tit. 5 ; 

vii***. tit. 5. 
pars, x. 212 (O. ora.) ; parte, x. 

12 (M.^M.^Me.V.O. ora.). 
patet, x. 174 (0. ora. ). 
pedes, vii*. tit. 6. 
Peleus, x. 167 (O. ora.). 
penetrando, vii*. 4. 
per, vii 93 (O. in) ; vii*. 3 ; vii**. 

9 ; vii***. 4. 
peregrinante, viii. 136 (O. 

perfectione, x. 394 (O. decore). 
pernoctitavimus, v. 7 (P. -nota- ; 

V. -notita- ; O. -nocta-). 
peroptando, vii***. 14. 
f perpetuo, viii. 121 (M. populo ; 

O. propter te). 
persolvere, vii*. 13. 
personas, x. 22 (O. -is). 
petentis, vii***. 8. 
petiit, i. 26 (O. petit). 
pia, vii***. 17 ; piis, vii*. 17. 
Pietate, i. 2 (O.pi-) ; -tati (0. pi-), 

i. 46. 
piissimae, vii**. tit. 1 ; vii***. 

tit. 1. 
placet, vii**. 5. 
plus quam, x. 50 (M.^Me.V.O. 

poenitudinem, viii. 103 (O. 

Poetria, x. 162 (M.^M.^V.O. 
Poetica), 177 (M.^M.^V.O. 
polluxit, i. 19 (O. pollicetur). 
polysemos, x. 104 (M. 1 -sensuum ; 

V. -sensum ; O. -semum). 
pondus, vii*. 9. 
Poppii, vii***. 22. 

posse, vii**. 13. 

posset, x. 204 (O. potest). 

possint, vii*. 5. 

postulabat, vii*. 10. 

potest, vii**. 9. 

t Potestates, viii. 27 (MS. 

potentes ; O. ora.). 
potius, vii**. 5. 
potui, vii**. 1. 
prae, i. 16 (O. pro). 
praecedentia, v. 111 (O. pro- 

praeconicis, vii. 99 (P. -conijcis ; 

V. -coniis ; O. -conizabis). 
praedilectus, vii***. 18. 
praelibatae, vii***. 11. 
praemia, vii*. 19. 
praemiandi, x. 133 (O. -anti), 

187 (O. -anti), 190 (O. -anti). 
praeoptatus, vii. 14 (M. precipi- ; 

O. perop-). 
praeparari, v. 73 (0. esse paratam). 
praepediri, vii**. 13. 
praesentibus, vii**.16; -entium, 

vii***. 18. 
praesumptionis, vii***. 15. 
praesumptum, x. 44 (V.O. 

tpraeviatio, x. 231 (M.^M. 2 
praeiuratio ; V. deuiatio ; Me.O. 
praenunciatio) . 
precibus, vii*. 16. 
precor, v ii***. 9. 
primo, vii***. 23 ; -us, x. 1 05 

(O. alius). 
principatus, vii*. 21. 
principe, vii**. 14. 
pro, vii*. 15. 
procedent, vii**. 16. 
proinde, vii***. 7. 
promittebant, vii***. 21. 
promptissima, vii***. tit. 5. 
propterea quod, x. 81 (M. 1 
propter quodque ; O. propterea 
prosperata, vii**. 15. 
prosperitate, vii**. 2. 

t Conjectural. 



providentia, vii*. tit. 2 ; vii***. 

tit. 2. 
providit, vii**. 14, 
provisione, vii**. 12. 
pulsetur, vii*. 17. 
tpunctali, viii. 6 (MS. puctalis; 

O. provecta). 
puniendi, x. 134 (O. -enti), 187 

(O. -enti). 
punita, vi. 124 (O. Punica). 
pura, vii***. 2. 
puritatem, vii***. 11. 

quae, vii. 113 (V.6. om.) ; 

vii**. 8, 14 ; vii***. 4 ; viii. 

81 (O. quos), 93 (O. qui) ; quam, 

iii (iv). 1 (O. quem) ; vii**. 13. 
quaedam, vii***. 15. 
qualem, ix. 6 (O. -iter) ; qualis, 

vii*. 7. 
qualiter, vii***. 5. 
quam, adv., vi. 104 (0. quantum) ; 

vii*. tit. 5 ; vii***. 3. 
quamvis, vii**. 9 ; vii***. 15 ; x. 

119 (M.VM. 2 quomodo; Me. 

quoniam ; O. quamquam). 
quando, vii. 37 (O. quoniam). 
quandoque, vii*. 15. 
quanta, vii*. 6. 
quanto, adv. f vii**. 4 ; vii***. 

quare, x. 174 (O. om.). 
quasi, vii**. 7. 
quatenus, vii*. 17 ; vii**. 18 ; 

vii***. 10. 
-que, ix. 31 (O. atque). 
qui, vii*. 21 ; viii. 96 (O. quique), 

132 (MS. quod; O. om.) ; x. 

252 (Me.V.O. om.). 
quia, v. 49 (0. quod) ; vii***. 

11 ; viii. 96 (O. om.). 
quippe, vii*. 9. 
quod, conj., vii**. 15 ; viii. 24 

(MS. O. om.), 26 (O. om.). 
quod, pr., v. 45 (O. quantum) ; x. 

219 (M.^M.^Me.O. om.). 

quoniam, vii***. 17. 

f quum, iii (iv). 9 (MS. 0. quam); 

quum, vii. 33 (O. et) ; vii*. 3 ; 

vii**. 2 ; vii***. 1. 

recepi, vii**. 2. 

recipit, x. 287 (M.^M^O. rece-). 

recommendatione, vii***. tit. 5. 

recumbat, vii. 108 (V.O. de-). 

recurro, vii**. 18. 

referrem, vii***. 14. 

reformari, iii (iv). 18 (0. -ati). 

reformet, vii*. 23. 

regalis, vii**. 1 ; -alium, vii***. 

regiae, vii*. 1 ; vii**. 8 ; vii***. 

reginae, vii*. tit. 2 ; vii**. tit. 2 ; 

vii***. tit. 2. 
regis, vii***. 6. 
regni, vii*. 16 ; vii**. 15. 
reor, vii*. 15. 
f repercutientis, x. 289 (M. l M. 2 

Me.V. respici- ; O. respu-). 
resurgentis, vii***. 21. 
retribuat, vii*. 19. 
reverenter, vii*. 2. 
reverentiae, vii**. tit. 5. 
risibile, x. 384 (M.^M. 2 visibile ; 

V.O. risibilis). 
Romani, vii*. 21 ; -orum, vii*. 

tit. 2 ; vii**. tit. 2 ; vii***. tit. 


saecula, vii***. 21. 

sanctae, vii*. 12. 

Scala, de la, x. tit. ^(M.^M^V.O. 

Scala, de). 
scelestis, vii. 114 (0. -esta). 
scientius, x. 315 (O. -entia). 
t scilicet, viii. 16 (MS. O. om.). 
scintillula, v. 97 (V. om. ; O. 

scribentis, vii**. 8 ; vii***. 1. 
se, vii***. iit. 6; sibi, x. 380 

(0. illi), 380 (O. illi). 
secura, vii**. 21. 

t Conjectural. 



sed, v. 70 (V. om. ; 0. vero) ; vii*. 

10; vii**. 2; x. 15 (M.*M. 2 

secundum ; O. sic). 
semel, x. 50 (O. om.). 
semper, vii*. tit. 3 ; vii**. tit. 3, 

15, 20 ; vii***. tit. 3. 
seorsum, x. 98 (M x .O. -im). 
serena, vii***. 17. 
serenissimae, vii**. tit. 1. 
Serenitatis, vii***. 1. 
si, x. 212 (O. etsi). 
sic, vii**. 16; x. 173 (O. om.). 
siderii, vii*. 16. 

signa, vir 


significando, vii**. 6. 

significata, vii*. 3. 

silentio, vii**. 5. 

sim, vii**. 20. 

simpliciter, v. 93 (O. simil-). 

simul, vii**. 11. 

sine, vij*. 6 ; vii**. 17. 

singulari, vii**. 14. 

sinistrationis, vii**. 20. 

sint, vi. 97 (O. sunt). 

si quando, vii***. 12-13. 


'. 20. 

sospitate, vii*. 7 ; vii***. 19. 

spero, vii**. 12. 

spes, vii**. 10. 

spiritus, vii*. 4. 

status, vii***. 14. 

Bua, vii*. 8 ; vii**. tit. 3 ; vii***. 

tit. 3; sui, vii*. 23; x. 363 

(Me.V.O. eius). 
suadente, vii***. 16. 
sub, vii*. 23 ; vii**. 19. 
subditorum, vii***. 3. 
subegit, vii*. 22. 
subiectionis, vii*. tit. 5. 
subiectum, ii. 7 (O. -ditum). 
subito, i. 14 (O. om.). 
Sublimitatis, vii***. 9. 
successibus, vii***. 3 ; -cessuum, 

vii**. 3. 
sufficiunt, vii**. 6. 
summi, vii***. 6. 
sunt, viii. 132 (O. om.). 

superare, vii*. 5. 

superatur, vii**. 7. 

t superest, iii (iv). 34 (MS. super ; 

O. sedulus). 
supinatur, v. 72 (V. suppi ; 

O. torquetur). 
suppleat, vii**. 7. 
supplemento, vii*. 15. 
supplicantis, vii*. 17. 
suppliciter, vii**. 18 ; vii***. 9. 
susurrio, vi. 111 (O. -urro). 
syllogizantis, v. 113 (V. silogiza ; 

O. -zatoris). 

taliter, vii**. 19. 

tam, vii*. tit. 5. 

tamen, vii**. 10 ; vii***. 16. 

tamquam, vii**. 5. 

tanti, vii*. 9 ; tanto, vii*. 18 ; 

vii***. 20. 
f tantum, adv., viii. 119 (MS. 

causam ; O. causa) ; tantum, 

ix. 24 (0. terreni). 
Telephus, x. 167 (O. om.). 
tempestiva, vii**. 18. 
templo, viii. 42 (O. -plis). 
tempore, vii***. 18. 
tenemur, x. 39 (0. -entur). 
tertium, x. 413 (O. om.). 
Tervisina, i. tit. 5 (O. terris). 
tollit, vii. 42 (P. -is ; 0. dbstulit). 
tota, vii***. 5 ; totius, x. 88 

(O. om.). 
tragos, x. 153 (0. -us). 
triumphis, vii*. 23. 
Tuscia, vii*. tit. 4 ; vii**. tit. 4 ; 

vii***. tii. 5. 
tutamenta, vii*. 22. 
tutissima, vii**. 19. 

ubi, vii**. 7. 

ulla, vii**. 17. 

umbra, vii**. 19. 

unde, vii*. 12. 

unius, iii (iv). 22 (O. eius), 25 

(O. eius). 
usque, viii. 131 (O. usserit). 

f Conjectural. 



ut, v. 72 (V. om. ; O. modo) ; vii*. 

2, 5, 20 ; vii**. 20 ; vii***. 12 ; 

x. 79 (0. sicut). 
utinam, vii*. 8. 

vana, x. 36 (M.^M.^V.O. om.). 
vel, vii*. 6 ; vii**. 13 ; x. 297 

(O. om.). 
velut, vii*. 12. 
veneratione, vii**. 2. 
verba, vii**. 6. 

verum, adv., vii*. 14 ; vii***. 11. 
fvestra, i. 29 (MS. O. nostra) ; 

vestrae, vii***. 1, 9 ; vestri, 

vii**. 3, 15, 19 ; f vestrum, 

viii. 114 (MS. -tra ; O. -tras). 
viam, vii. 83 (V.O. via). 
Vicentiae, x. tit. 3 (M.^M.^Me.O. 

-entia ; V. -entina) . 
victoriosissimo, x. tit. 1 (M.M 1 . 

M. 2 Me.V.O. -oso). 
videar,vii**.21 ; x. 65 (A.M.V.O. 

-ebar; M. J Me. mihi videbatur). 

videatur, x. 28 (A.M. -eret; 0. 

videbatur, vii***. 12. 
videlicet, v. 112 (O. videns). 
vigebamus, vii***. 19. 
f vinctus, ix. 25 (MS. O. vic-). 
virtute, vii***. 16 ; -tem, ii. 23 

(O. -tes) ; Virtutibus, ii. 24 (O. 

virulente, vii. 97 (V.O. -ter). 
visa, vii*. 2. 

vita, x. 467 (M. 2 0. beatitudo). 
vivo, vii*. 12. 
volitando, x. 2 (M.^M.^V. 

-anter ; Me.O. -ans). 
voluntarium, vii***. iit. 6. 
voluptuosius, v. 70 (V. om. ; 

O. Ubentius). 
fvos, viii. 100 (MS. O. om.). 
vota, vii**. 11 ; vii***. 6. 

XV, vii. 148 (M. xv° ; P. xv* ; O. 
xiv) ; vii***. 22. 

f Conjectural. 


Note. — In this Index, and accompanying Table, I have checked, 
and in many cases supplemented, my own references by those of 
Dr. Moore's Tables in his Studies in Dante, i. 391-4. On the other 
hand, I have been able to make a certain number of additions to 
his list. Dr. Moore classified his roferences under three heads, in 
order to distinguish between direct quotations, (a) acknowledged, 
(b) unacknowledged, and (c) presumed imitations, adaptations, or 
allusions, more or less remote (op. cit. pp. 45-6). I have not thought 
it necessary to mark these distinctions in the present Index. 

Academicae Quaestiones~\, x. 34-5 

(Acad. ii. 26). 
* Acius Apostolorum], v. 52 (Act ix. 

5) ; vi. 61 (Act. vii. 42). 
Actus B. Silvestri~}, v. 31 (cf. Mon. 

ii. 5, 11. 40-2).' 
Aeneis, i. 30-4 (Aen. i. 600-5; ii. 

536-8) ; ii. 6 (Aen. i. 605) ; 

v. 4-5 (Aen. iii. 530) ; v. 13-14 

(Aen. x. 723, 726) ; v. 79 (Aen. 

i. 613); v. 97-100 (Aen. i. 

372-3) ; vi. 77 (Aen. iv. 344 ; 

vii. 322 ; x. 58) ; vi. 84 (Aen. 

x. 843) ; vi. 94 (Aen. vi. 276) ; 

vi. 95 (Aen. ii. 353) ; vii. 36 

(Aen. ii. 373-4) ; vii. 47-8 (Aen. 

i. 286-7) ; vii. 67-73 (Aen. iv. 

272-6) ; vii. 115-19 (Aen. xii. 

593-607); vii. 137 (Aen. iv. 

569) ; vii*. 13-14 (Aen. i. 

600-1) ; vii*. 19 (Aen. i. 603- 

5) ; x . 2 (Aen. vii. 104 ; ix. 473- 

4 ; iv. 182) ; x. 289 (Aen. viii. 

Amos, Prophetia], v. 27-8 (Amos 

vi. 13). 
Anima,De], x. 34-5 (Anim. iii. 3). 
Animae, De Quantitate. [Quantitate 

Animae, De.] 

Animalium, De Partibus. [Partibus 
Animalium^ De.] 

Apocalypsis. [Iohannis Vino.] 

Aristoteles. \_Anima, De : Coelo, 
De : Ethica : Generatione et Cor- 
ruptione, De : Metaphysica : 
Partibus Animalium, De: Physica: 
Politica : Rhetorica.~\ 

Ars Poetica. \_Poetria. ] 

Augustinus. [Quantitate Animae, 

Beniamin Maior. [Contemplatione- 

Bernardus. [Consideratione, De.~\ 
Boetius. [Consolatione Philo- 

sophiae, De.\ 
Breviarium Romanum], i. 1. 
Bucolica], vii. 16-17 (Ecl. iv. 6). 

Calliopeus, Sermo. [Sonetio.] 
Canzone: 'Amor, dacche con- 

vien'], iv(iii). 28-9. 
Canzoniere di Dante. [Canzone : 

Causis, De, x. 290-2 (Prop. i, init.) ; 

x. 311-12 (Prop. x, init). 
Chronicles. [Paralipomenon, Libri.\ 

~ See pp. 253, 254. 



Cicero. [Academicae Quaestiones : 
Finibus, De : Nova Bhetorica.~] 

Coelesti Hierarchia, De, x. 307-10 

. (Coel. Hier. iii. 2). 

Coelo, De, x. 389-91 (Coel. i. 2). 

Comoedia Dantis, x. 223-4 (Par. i. 
37), 242-3 (Par. i. 13), 268-70 
(Par. i. 1-3), 328-9 (Par. i. 2), 
337-8 (Par. i. 4-5), 386 (Par. i. 
4), 401 (Par. i. 5-6), 402-4 
(Par. i. 8-9), 433-4 (Par. i. 6), 
442-4 (Par. i. 10-12), 446 (Par. 
i. 13), 450-1 (Par. i. 22), 454 
(Par. i. 16). 

Consideratione, De, x. 421-2 {Consid. 
v. 2). 

Consolatione Philosophiae, De, x. 
469-70 (Cows. PM. iii. met. 9). 

Contemplatione, De, x. 420-1 (Ccm- 
terapZ. iv. 23). 

Corinihios, Epistolae ad. [Epistolae.] 

Danielis, Prophetia, x. 426-8 (Dan. 

ii. 3). 
Dantes. [Cansone : Comoedia : 

Deuteronomii, Liber], v. 17 (Deut. 

vi. 3) ; vi. 17 (Deut. xxxii. 35) ; 

vi. 61 (Deut. xvii. 3). 
Dionysius. [Coelesti Hierarchia, 

Divina Commedia. [Comocdia 

Durandus, Wilhelmus.] [Specu- 


Ecclesiastici, Liber, x. 322-3 (Eccl. 

xlii. 16). 
Eclogae. [Bucolica.] 
Epistolae ad Corinthios, v. 1 (2 Cor. 

vi. 2) ; v. 58 (2 Cor. vi. 1) ; vi. 

129 (2 Cor. vii. 9-10) ; viii. 53 

(1 Cor. xv. 9) ; viii. 55-6 (1 Cor. 

xv. 10) ; viii. 99 (2 Cor. xii. 

11) ; x. 410-14 (2 Cor. xii. 3-4). 
EpistolaadEphesios,\. 54-5 (Ephes. 

vi.17); v.l23-5(Ephes. iv. 17) ; 

viii. 27 (Ephes. vi. 11-12) ; x. 

393-4 (Ephes. iv. 10). 

Epistola ad Galatas], ii. 3 (Gal. iv. 

Epistola ad Hebraeos], viii. 36 (Heb. 

xi. 13) ; viii. 136 (Heb. xi. 13). 
Epistola ad Bomanos], ii. 3 (Bom. 

viii. 4) ; v. 49-50 (Bom. xiii. 

2) ; v. 54 (Bom. xiii. 11) ; v. 

91-2 (Bom. i. 20) ; vi. 113 

(Bom. vii. 23); vii. 128-9 

(Bom. xiii. 2) ; vii. 134-5 

(Bom. i. 28) ; vii. 138 (Bom. 

ix. 29) ; viii. 19 (Bom. xi. 13). 
Epistolae ad Timotheum], viii. 19 

(1 Tim. ii. 7 ; 2 Tim. i. 11). 
Epistolae Petri\ v. 102 (2 Pet. iii. 

18); v. 127-8(1 Pe^.ii. 17); vi. 

26 (1 Pet. ii. 18) ; vii. 3-4 (1 Pel. 

v. 8) ; viii. 131-2 (2 Pet. iii. 7). 
Ethica], viii. 62-3 (Eth. i. 6) ; x. 

20-2 (Eth. viii. 8 ; viii. 2, 3) ; 

x. 25 (Eth. viii. 6) ; x. 48-9 

(Eth. ix. 1) ; x. 211 (Eth. i. 3). 
Evangelium secundum Iohannem, 

iii (iv). 45-6 (Ioh. xv. 19) ; v. 

121-3 (loh. xix. 10-11) ; vii. 

1-2 (Ioh. xiv. 27); vii. 34-5 

(Ioh. i. 29) ; vii. 52 (loh. iii. 

16-18) ; viii. 15-16 (Ioh. xxi. 

15-17) ; viii. 42-3, 45 (Ioh. ii. 

14-15) ; viii. 58-60 (Ioh.ix. 1- 

41) ; viii. 81 (Ioh. iii. 5) ; x. 

467-8 (Ioh. xvii. 3). 
Evangelium secundum Lucam], v. 

21 (Luc. ii. 82) ; v. 53-4 (Luc. 

xxi. 28); vii. 23-4 (Luc. vii. 

19) ; vii. 33 (Luc. i. 47) ; vii. 

49-51 (Luc. ii. 1) ; vii. 53 (Luc. 

ii. 3, 5) ; viii. 67-8 (Luc. viii. 

22-5); viii. 139 (Luc. xix. 38); 

x. 8, 10-13 (Luc. xi. 31). 
Evangelium secundum Marcum], 

viii. 67-8 (Marc. iv. 36-9). 
Evangelium secundum Matthaeum, 

v. 10-11 (Mait. v. 6) ; v. 26-7 

(Matt. xxi. 41) ; v. 27-8 (Matt. 

xiii. 30) ; v. 117-18 (Matt. xxii. 

21); vii. 23-4 (Matt. xi. 3); 

vii. 48 (Matt. xi. 12) ; vii. 55-6 

(Matt. iii. 15) ; vii. 119 (Matt. 



xxvii. 5) ; viii. 67-8 (Mait. viii. 

24-6) ; x. 8, 10-13 (Matt. xii. 

42) ; x. 417-18 (Matt. xvii. 1- 

8) ; x. 428-9 (Matt. v. 45). 
Explanatio Nominum 1 ], vii. 86-8. 
Ezechielis, Prophetia], viii. 40 

(Ezech. viii. 16) ; x. 396-8 (Ezech. 

xxviii. 12-13) ; x. 419 (Ezech. 

ii. 1 : A. V. i. 28). 

Finibus, De], x. 34-5 (Fin. i. 6). 
Fortuitorum Remedia, 2 iii (iv). 42. 

Galatas, Epistola ad. [Epistola.] 
Generatione et Corruptione, De], iii 

(iv). 17-18 (Gen. i. 3). 
Genesis, Liber], v. 86-7 (Gen. i. 9) ; 

vi. 36 (Gen. xi. 4) ; vii. 121-2 

(Gen. i. 26). 
Georgica], v. 46-7 (Georg. i. 412); 

v; 55-6 (Georg. i. 94, 107) ; 

vii. 101-2 (Georg. ii. 479-80). 

Hebraeos, Epistola ad. [Epistola.] 

Hier-. [Ier-.] 

Hierarchia, De Coelesti. [Coelesti 
Hierarchia, De.] 

Historiae adversum Paganos], v. 
112-13 (Hist. i. 1, § 6; iii. 8, 
§§3^5, 7,8; vi. 22, §§ 1-5); 
vii. 49-55 (Hist. vi. 22, §§ 6, 7, 
8 ; vii. 3, § 4) ; viii. 16-18 
(Hist. vi. 22, §§ 6, 7, 8 ; vii. 3, 

Horatius. [Poetria.] 

Ieremiae, Prophetia, v. 14-15 (Ier. 

1. 46) ; v. 83-4 (Ier. xxxvii. 

8) ; vii. 138 (Ier. xi. 20) ; vii**. 

7 (Ier. xxiii. 9) ; x. 316-17 

(Ier. xxiii. 24). 
Ieremias. [Ieremiae, Prophetia : 

Lamentationes. 1 
Infernus, x. 170. [Comoedia Dantis.~\ 

InventioneRhetorica, De. [Rhetorica, 

lob, Liber], vii. 2-3 (Iob vii. 1). 
lohannem, Evangelium secundum. 

Iohannes. [Evangelium secundum 

Iohannem : Iohannis Visio.] 
Iohannis Visio, v. 14 (Rev. v. 5) ; 

vi. 21 (Rev. xxi. 8) ; x. 475-6 

(Rev. i. 8 ; xxi. 6 ; xxii. 13). 
Iosue, Liber], v. 25-6 (Ios. vi. 21 ; 

x. 28, 30) ; vii. 21 (Ios. x. 12- 

Isaiae, Prophetia, v. 102 (Isai. 

Ixv. 17 ; lxvi. 22) ; vi. 137-8 

(Isai. liii. 4). 

Lamentationes Ieremiae], vii. 143- 

4 (Lam. v. 2) ; viii. 1-2 (Lam. 

i. 1) ; viii. 25 (Lam. i. 7). 
Levitici, Liber], viii. 42 (Lev. x. i) ; 

viii. 46 (Lev. x. 2). 
Lucam, Evangelium secundum. 

Lucanus. [Pharsalia.] 
Lucas. [Actus Apostolorum : 

Evangelium secundum Lucam.] 

Machabaeorum, Libri], viii. 49 

(1 Machab. vii. 4-12). 
Marcum, Evangelium secundum. 

Maro. [Virgilius.] 
Martinus Dumiensis. [Fortui- 

torum Remedia 2 .] 
Matlhaeum, Evangelium secundum. 

Metamorphoseos, iii (iv). 32-9 

(Metam. iv. 1 ff., 192 ff.) ; iii (iv). 

41 (Metam. iii. 406 ; xiv. 694 ; 

cf. Trist. v. 8, 7-9) ; vii. 93-4 

(Metam. ix. 70-4) ; vii. 114-15 

(Metam. x. 298 ff. ; viii. 35 

1 The interpretation of Scripture names which is included in 
many MSS. of the Vulgate. 

3 By Martinus Dumiensis ; but by Dante, and commonly in the 
Middle Ages, ascribed to Seneca. 



(Metam.ii. 200 ff.) ; x. 9 (Metam. 
v. 250 ff.) ; x. 289 (Metam. ii. 
Metaphysica, x. 72-3 (Met. ii. 1) ; 
x. 215-16 (Met. ii. 1) ; x. 283-5 
(Met. ii. 2). 

Naso. [Ovidius.] 

Nominum Explanatio. \_Explanatio.~] 
Nova Ehetorica. [Rhetorica, Nova.] 
Numerorum, Liber], viii. 96-7 
(Num. xxii. 28-30). 

Orosius. [Historiae adversum 

Ovidius. [Metamorphoseos : Tristia.] 

Paradisus, x. 56, 171, 199, 221. 

[Comoedia Dantis.] 
Paralipomenon, Libri], v. 13-14 

(2 Paralip. vii. 15) ; viii. 4-5 

(2 Paralip. xi. 14) ; x. 8, 10-13 

(2 Paralip. ix. i, 5-6). 
Partibus Animalium, De], x. 383-4 

(Part. Anim. iii. 10). 
Paulus. [Epistolae ad Corinthios : 

Epistola ad Ephesios : Epistola 

ad Romanos : Epistolae ad Timo- 

Petri, Epistolae. [Epistolae.] 
Pharsalia], vi. 81 (Phars. iii. 58) ; 

vii. 63-6 (Phars. i. 280-2) ; x. 

324-6 (Phars. ix. 580.) 
Philosophiae, De Consolatione. [Con- 

solatione Philosophiae, De.] 
Physica, v. 93 (Phys. i. 1) ; x. 

350-2 (Phys. iv. 4). 
Plato, x. 438. 
Poetria, x. 164-7 (A. P. 93-6) ; x. 

176-7 (A. P. 75-8). 
Politica], x. 39-40 (Pol. i. 2). 
Prophetae. [Amos, Danielis, 

Ezechielis, Ieremiae, Isaiae, Pro- 

Proverbiorum, Liber], v. 79 (Prov. 

1 Dante follows the arrangement of the Vulgate, in which the 
four books known in A. V. as First and Second of Samuel, and 
First and Second of Kings, are reckoned as four books of Kings (cf. 
Conv. iv. 27, 1. 63 ; and Mon. iii. 6, 1. 1). 

v. 15) ; vi. 106 (Prov. i. 17) ; 
vii. 8-9 (Prov. xxix. 4) ; viii. 
82 (Prov. xxx. 15). 
Psalmorum, Liber, iii (iv). 1 (Ps. 
xliv. 2 : A. V. xlv. 1) ; v. 12-13 
(Ps. x. 6 : A. V. xi. 5) ; v. 47-8 
(Ps. xciv. 2 : A. V. xcv. 2) ; v. 
85 (Ps. xiii. 1 : A. V. xiv. 1 ; 
lii. 1 : A. V. liii. 1) ; v. 86-7 
(Ps. xciv. 5 : A. V. xcv. 5) ; vi. 
42-3 (Ps. cx. 10 : A. V. cxi. 10) ; 
vi. 107 (Ps. cxviii. 1 : A. V. 
cxix. 1) ; vii. 7-8 (Ps. cxxxvi. 
1: A. V. cxxxvii. 1) ; vii. 145- 
6 (Ps. cxxxvi: A. V. cxxxvii); 
vii**. 7 (Ps. xxxv. 9 : A. V. 
xxxvi. 8) ; viii. 26 (Ps. lxxviii. 
10 : A. V. lxxix. 10 ; cxiii 2 . 2 : 
A. V. cxv. 2) ; viii. 56 (Ps. 
lxviii. 10 : A. V. Ixix. 9) ; viii. 
57 (Ps. viii. 3 : A. V. viii. 2) ; 
x. 109-11 (Ps. exiii. 1-2 : A. V. 
cxiv. 1-2) ; x. 318-20 (Ps. 
cxxxviii. 7-9 : A. V. cxxxix. 

Quantitate Animae, De, x. 422-3 
(Quant. Anim. xxxiii. 76). 

Regum, Libri *] , v. 85 (3 Reg. xxii. 
17 : A. V. 1 Kings) ; vi. 50 
(2 Reg. i. 21 : A. V. 2 Sam.) ; vi. 
143-4 (1 Reg. xiv. 39 : A. V. 
1 Sam.) ; vii. 21-2 (4 Reg. xx. 
1, 11: A. V. 2 Kings); vii. 
80-4 (1 Reg. xv. 17-18: A. V. 

1 Sam.) ; vii. 139-42 (1 Reg. xvii. 
48-53: A. V. 1 Sam.) ; viii. 
50-2 (2 Reg. vi. 6-7 : A. V. 

2 Sam.) ; viii. 63-5 (2 Reg. vi. 
6 : A. V. 2 Sam.) ; x. 8, 10-13 
(3 Reg. x. 1, 7 : A. V. 1 Kings). 

Rerum Transformatione, De. [Meta- 


Revelations. [Mutnnis Visio.' 
Rhetorica,x. 228-30 (Rhet. iii. 14) ; 

x. 233-4 (Rhet. iii. 14). 
Rhetorica, Nova, x. 244-8 (Rhet. i. 

.Richardus de Sancto Victore. 

[Contemplatione, De.~\ 
Romanos, Epistola ad. [Epistola.~\ 

Samuelis, Libri. \_Regum, Libri.] 
Sancto Victore, Richardus de. 

[Contemplatione, De.~\ 
Sapientiae, Liber, vii. 3-4 (Sap. ii. 

24) ; x. 30-3 (Sap. vii. 14) ; x. 

321-2 (Sap. i. 7). 
Seneca, iii (iv). 43 ; x. 154 

[Fortuitorum Remedia. 1 ] 

Sonetto : ' Io sono stato con 
Amore '], iii (iv). 14 (' sermo 
Calliopeus '). 

Speculum (Iuris), viii. 88. 

Terentius, x. 157. 

Timotheum, Epistolae ad. [Epi- 

Tristia~\, iii (iv). 41 (Trist. v. 8, 

7-9 ; cf. Metam. iii. 406). 
Tullius. [Cicero.] 

Virgilius. \Aeneis : Bucolica : 

Visio Iohannis. [Iohannis Visio.~\ 


Epist. i. 1 

i. 30-4 

Epist. ii. 3 
ii. 6 

Epist. iii (iv). 1 
iii (iv). 14 
iii (iv). 17-18 
iii (iv). 32-9 
iii (iv). 41 

iii (iv). 42-3 

iii (iv). 45-6 
Epist. iv (iii). 28-9 
Epist. v. 1 

v. 4-5 

v. 10-11 

v. 12-13 

v. 13-14 

v. 14 

v. 14-15 

v. 17 

v. 21 

v. 25-6 

v. 26-7 

v. 27-8 

Brev. Rom. 

Virg. Aen. i. 600-5 ; ii. 536-8. 

Rom. viii. 4 ; Gal. iv. 29. 

Virg. Aen. i. 605. 

Ps. xliv. 2 (A. V. xlv. 1). 

Dant. Son. * Io sono stato con Atnore '. 

Arist. Gen. et Cor. i. 3. 

Ovid. Metam. iv. 1 ff., 192 ff. 

Ovid. Metam. iii. 406 ; xiv. 694 ; Trist. v. 8, 

(Pseudo-) Seneca, Fortuit. Remed. 1 
Ioh. xv. 19. 

Dant. Canz. ' Amor dacche convien '. 
2 Cor. vi. 2. 
Virg. Aen. iii. 530. 
Matt. v. 6. 

Ps. x. 6 (A. V. xi. 5). 

Virg. Aen. x. 723, 726 ; 2 Paralipom. vii. 15. 
Rev. v. 5. 
Ierem. 1. 46. 
Deut. vi. 3. 
Luc. ii. 32. 

Ios. vi. 21 ; x. 28, 30 ; &c. 
Matt. xxi. 41. 
Amos vi. 13 ; Matt. xiii. 30. 

1 By Martinus Dumiensis ; but by Dante, and commonly in the 
Middle Ages, ascribed to Seneca. 



Epist. v. 31 

Actus B. Silvestri. 

v. 46-7 

Virg. Georg. i. 412. 

v. 47-8 

Ps. xciv. (A. V. xcv) 2. 

v. 49-50 

Rom. xiii. 2. 

v. 52 

Act. ix. 5. 

v. 53-4 

Luc. xxi. 28; Rom. xiii. 11. 

v. 54-5 

Ephes. vi. 17. 

v. 55-6 

Virg. Georg. i. 94, 107. 

v. 58 

2 Cor. vi. 1. 

v. 79 

Virg. Aen. i. 613. 

v. 79 

Prov. v. 15. 

v. 83-4 

lerem. xxxvii. 8. 

v. 85 

3 Regum (A. V. 1 Kings) xxii. 17 ; Ps. xiii. 

(A. V. xiv) 1 ; lii. (A. V. liii) 1. 

v. 86-7 

Ps. xciv. (A. V. xcv) 5 ; Gen. i. 9. 

v. 91-2 

Rom. i. 20. 

v. 93 

Arist. Phys. i. 1. 

v. 97-100 

Virg. Aen. i. 372-3. 

v. 102 

2 Pet. iii. 13 ; Isai. lxv. 17 ; Ixvi. 22. 

v. 112-13 

Oros. Adv. Pag. i. 1, § 6 ; iii. 8, §§3, 5, 7, 

8 ; vi. 22, §§ 1-5. 

v. 117-18 

Matt. xxii. 21. 

v. 121-3 

Ioh. xix. 10-11. 

v. 123-5 

Ephes. iv. 17. 

v. 127-8 

1 Pet. ii. 17. 

Epist. vi. 17 

Deut. xxxii. 35. 

vi. 21 

Rev. xxi. 8. 

vi. 26 

1 Pet. ii. 18. 

vi. 36 

Gen. xi. 4. 

vi. 42-3 

Ps. cx. (A. V. cxi) 10. 

vi. 50 

2 Regum (A. V. 2 Sam.) i. 21. 

vi. 61 

Deut. xvii. 3 ; Act. vii. 42. 

vi. 77 

Virg. Aen. iv. 344 ; vii. 322 ; x. 58. 

vi. 81 

Lucan. Phars. iii. 58. 

vi. 84 

Virg. Aen. x. 843. 

vi. 94 

Virg. Aen. vi. 276. 

vi. 95 

Virg. Aen. ii. 353. 

vi. 106 

Prov. i. 17. 

vi. 107 

Ps. cxviii. (A. V. cxix) 1. 

vi. 113 

Rom. vii. 23. 

vi. 129 

2 Cor. vii. 9-10. 

vi. 137-8 

Isai. liii. 4. 

vi. 143 

1 Regum (A. V. 1 Sam.) xiv. 39. 

Epist. vii. 1-2 

Ioh. xiv. 27. 

vii. 2-3 

Iob vii. 1. 

vii. 3-4 

1 Pet. v. 8 ; Sapient. ii. 24. 

vii. 7-8 

Ps. cxxxvi. (A. V. cxxxvii) 1. 

vii. 8-9 

Prov. xxix. 4. 

vii. 16-17 

Virg. Ecl. iv. 6. 


Epist. vii. 21 

vii. 21-2 
vii. 23-4 
vii. 33 
vii. 34-5 
vii. 36 
vii. 43 
vii. 47-8 
vii. 49-51 
vii. 49-55 
vii. 52 
vii. 53 
vii. 55-6 
vii. 63-6 
vii. 67-73 
vii. 80-4 
vii. 86-8 
vii. 93-4 
vii. 101-2 
vii. 114-15 
vii. 115-19 
vii. 119 
vii. 121-2 
vii. 128-9 
vii. 134-5 
vii. 137 
vii. 138 
vii. 139-42 
vii. 143-4 
vii. 145-6 

Epist. vii.* 13-14 
vii.* 19 

Epist. vii**. 7 

Epist. viii. 1 

viii. 4-5 
viii. 15-16 
viii. 16-18 
viii. 19 
viii. 25 
viii. 26 

viii. 27 
viii. 35 
viii. 36 
viii. 40 
viii. 42, 46 
viii. 42-3, 45 
viii. 49 

Ios. x. 12-14. 

4 Regum (A. V. 2Kings) xx. 1, 11. 

Matt. xi. 3 ; Luc. vii. 19. 

Luc. i. 47. 

Ioh. i. 29. 

Virg. Aen. ii. 373-4. 

Matt. xi. 12. 

Virg. Aen. i. 286-7. 

Luc. ii. 1. 

Oros. Adv. Pag. vi. 22, §§ 6, 7, 8 ; vii. 3, § 4. 

Ioh. iii. 16, 18. 

Luc. ii. 3, 5. 

Matt. iii. 15. 

Lucan. Phars. i. 280-2. 

Virg. Aen. iv. 272-6. 

1 Regum (A. V. 1 Sam.) xv. 17-18. 

Explan. Nominum. 1 

Ovid. Metam. ix. 70-4. 

Virg. Georg. ii. 479-80. 

Ovid. Metam. x. 298 ff. 

Virg. Aen. xii. 593-607. 

Matt. xxvii. 5. 

Gen. i. 26. 

Rom. xiii. 2. 

Rom. i. 28. 

Virg. Aen. iv. 569. 

Ierem. xi. 20 ; Rom. ix. 29. 

1 Regum (A. V. 1 Sam.) xvii. 48-53. 
Lament. v. 2. 

Ps. cxxxvi (A. V. cxxxvii). 

Virg. Aen. i. 600-1. 

Virg. Aen. i. 603-5. 

Ps. xxxv. 9 (A. V. xxxvi. 8) ; Ierem. xxiii. 9. 

Lament. i. 1. 

2 Paralipom. xi. 14. 
loh. xxi. 15-17. 

Oros. Adv. Pag. vi. 22, §§ 6, 7, 8 ; vii. 3, § 4. 
1 Tim. ii. 7 ; 2 Tim. i. 11 ; Rom. xi. 13. 
Lament. i. 7. 
Ps. lxxviii. (A. V. lxxix) 10 ; Ps. cxiii 2 . 

(A. V. cxv) 2. 
Ephes. vi. 11-12. 
Ovid. Metam. ii. 200 ff. 
Heb. xi. 13. 
Ezech. viii. 16. 
Levit. x. 1-2. 
Ioh. ii. 14-15. 
1 Machab. vii. 4-12. 
See above, p. 273, n. 1. 



Epist. viii. 50-2, 63-5 

2 Regum (A. V. 2 Sam.) vi. 6-7. 

viii. 53 

r 1 Cor. xv. 9. 

viii. 55-6 

1 Cor. xv. 10. 

viii. 56 

Ps. lxviii. 10 (A. V. lxix. 9). 

viii. 57 

Ps. viii. 3 (A. V. viii. 2). 

viii. 58-60 

loh. ix. 1-41. 

viii. 62-3 

Arist. Eth. i. 6. 

viii. 63-5 

2 Regum (A. V. 2 Sam.) vi. 6. 

viii. 67-8 

Matt. viii. 24-6 ; Marc. iv. 36-9 ; Luc. viii. 


viii. 81 

Ioh. iii. 5. 

viii. 82 

Prov. xxx. 15. 

viii. 96-7 

Num. xxii. 28-30. 

viii. 99 

2 Cor. xii. 11. 

viii. 131-2 

2 Pet. iii. 7. 

viii. 136 

Heb. xi. 13. 

viii. 139 

Luc. xix. 38. 

Epist. x. 2 

Virg. Aen. vii. 104; ix. 473-4 ; iv. 182. 

x. 8, 10-13 

3 Regum (A. V. 1 Kings) x. 1, 7 ; 2 Paralipom. 

ix. 1, 5-6 ; Matt. xii. 42 ; Luc. xi. 31. 

x. 9 

Ovid. Metam. v. 250 ff. 

x. 20-2 

Arist. Eth. viii. 8 ; viii. 2, 3. 

x. 25 

Arist. Eth. viii. 6. 

x. 30-3 

Sapient. vii. 14. 

x. 34-5 

Arist. Anim. iii. 3 ; Cic. Fin. i. 6 ; Acad. 

ii. 26. 

x. 39-40 

Arist. Polit. i. 2. 

x. 48-9 

Arist. Eth. ix. 1. 

x. 72-3 

^iai^Jdeta^hys. jju~l. 

x. 109-11 

Ps. cxmTXA. V.cxiv) 1-2. 

x. 164-7 

Hor. Poet. 93-6. 

x. 176-7 

Hor. Poet. 75-8. 

x. 211 

Arist. Jftfc. i. 3. 

x. 215-16 

Arist. Metaphys. ii. 1. 

x. 223-4 

Dant. Par. i. 37. 

x. 228-30 

Arist. Rhet. iii. 14. 

x. 233-4 

Arist. Pfte^. iii. 14. 

x. 242-3 

Dant. Par. i. 13. 

x. 244-8 

Cic. Rhet. i. 15. 

x. 268-70 

Dant. Par. i. 1-3. 

x. 583-5 

Arist. Metaphys. ii. 2. 

x. 289 

Virg. ^len. viii. 23 ; Ovid. Metam. ii. 110. 

x. 290-2 

De Causis, i. init. 

x. 307-10 

Dionys. Coel. Hier. iii, § 2. 

x. 311-12 

De Causis, x. imY. 

x. 316-17 

Ierem. xxiii. 24. 

x. 318-20 

Ps. cxxxviii. (A. V. cxxxix) 7-9. 

x. 321-2 

Sapieni. i. 7. 

x. 322-3 

Ecclus. xlii. 16. 


Epist. x. 324-6 Lucan. Phars. ix. 580. 

x. 328-9 Dant. Par. i. 2. 

x. 337-8 Dant. Par. i. 4-5. 

x. 350-2 Arist. Phys. iv. 4. 

x. 383-4 Arist. Part. Animal. iii. 10. 

x. 386 Dant. Par. i. 4. 

x. 389-91 JG5§£ Coel. i. 2. 

x. 393-4 Ephes. iv. 10. 

x. 396-8 Ezech. xxviii. 12-13. 

x. 401 Dant. Par. i. 5-6. 

x. 402-4 Dant. Par. i. 8-9. 

x. 410-14 2 Cor. xii. 3-4. 

x. 417-18 Matt. xvii. 1-8. 

x. 419 Ezech. ii. 1 (A. V. i. 28). 

x. 420-1 Rich. S. Vict. Contempl. iv. 23. 

x. 421-2 Bernard. Consid. v. 2. 

x. 422-3 August. Quant. Anim. xxxiii. 76. 

x. 426-8 Ban. ii. 3. 

x. 428-9 Matt. v. 45. 

x. 433-4 Dant. Par. i. 6. 

. x. 442-4 Dant. Par. i. 10-12. 

x. 446 Dant. Par. i. 13. 

x. 450-1 Dant. Par. i. 22. 

x. 454 Dant. Par. i. 16. 

x. 467-8 loh. xvii. 3. 

x. 469-70 Boet. Cons. Phil. iii. met. 9. 

x. 475-6 Bev. i. 8 ; xxi. 6 ; xxii. 13. 



Abati, Ciolo degli ; see Ciolo. 
Abihu, 131 nn. 

Absolvi, technical sense of, 157 n. 
Acta Henrici VII, Imperatoris 

Romanorum ; see Bonaini ; Don- 

Actus B. Silvestri, 50 n. 
Adrian V, 32. 
Aeneas, representative of Roman 

Empire, 95 n., 98 n. 
Aeneid, quoted, xxxiii n. ; D.'s 

knowledge of, xxxv. 
Agag, interpretation of, 95 n. 
Aghinolfo da Romena, 12, 14 n., 

17 n. 
Aguglione, Baldo d' ; see Baldo. 
Aix-la-Chapelle, Henry VII 

crowned at, 44, 216. 
Albert I, Emperor, death, 215. 
Albertini, Niccolo degli ; see 

Albertus Magnus, De Natura Lo- 

corum, 91 n. 
Albizzi, A. degli, Risposta al 

Discorso del Castravilla, xxxviiin. 
Alcimus, type of Clement V, 

131 n. 
Alessandro da Romena, 2, 3n., 

5n., 12, 13, 14 n., 17 n. ; Cap- 

tain of Florentine exiles, 2, 

3n., 5n., 13 ; D.'s condemna- 

tion of, in Inf., 12 ; date of his 

death, 12, 13, 14 n. 
Alighieri, Dante ; see Dante. 
Alighieri, Pietro, D.'s son ; see 

Pietro di Dante. 
Alighieri, Pietro, D.'s great- 

grandson, xxvii. 

Allacci, Leone, superintends 

removal of Heidelberg MSS. 

Alleon, 174. 
Almus, 46 n. 
Alpha, 195 n. 

Amalech, interpretation of, 95 n. 
Amata, type of Florence, 98 n. ; 

her suicide, 98 n., 99 n. 
Ambrose, St., 134 n. 
Ambrosian MS. of Epist. x ; see 

Cod. Ambrosiano. 
American (Cambridge) Dante 

Society, viii, ix n., xiii n. ; see 

Cambridge (U.S.A.). 
Amphitrites, 92 n. 
Anagni, capture of Boniface 

VIII at, by Sciarra Colonna, 

140 n. 
Angels, 190 n. 
Anonimo Fiorentino, commen- 

taiy on D.C., 175 n., 195 n. 
Antecedenter, abbreviation of, in 

MSS., 157 n. 
Antiqua Translatio of Aristotle, 

56 n., 169 n., 179 n., 189 n. 
Antologia di Fossombrone, liin., 

42, 43. 
Aniologia Fiorentina, xlvi, 121. 
Anubis, identification of, with 

Mercury, 94 n. 
Apennines, Tuscan, source of 

Arno in, 76 n. 
Apostata, 129 n. 
Appleton's New American Cyclo- 

paedia, 150. 
Aqua et Terra, Quaesiio de ; see 


See pp. 253, 254. 



Arbia, Henry VII encamps on 

banks of, 221 ; defeat of Guelfs 

at, in 1260, 221 n. 
Archimandrita, 133 n. 
Archivio di Stato (Florence), 

Aretino, Leonardo ; see Bruni, L. 
Arezzo, D.'s letter to Niecolo da 

Prato prob. written from, 3 ; 

headquarters of Florentine 

exiles, 3 n. ; Latin title of, 

166 n. 
Argi, for Argivi, 55 n., 56 n. 
Argonauts, repulse of, from 

Simois, by Laomedon, 56 n. 
Aristotle, Antiqua Translatio of, 

56 n., 169 n., 179 n., 189 n. ; 

Bruni's translation of the 

Poetics, xix. 
Arno, 32 ; always called Sarnus 

by D. in Lat. works, 34 n., 76 ; 

springs of, 76 n. 
Ars dictatoria, 225. 
Asiatic writers, their use of 

TTapa-rrXrjpufiaTa, 246 n. 
Asti, Henry VII at, 91 n., 217. 
Attila, reputed destruction of 

Florence, 75 n., 98 n. 
Augsburg, Fuggers of, xlviii. 
Augusta, 49 n., 87 n. 
Augustine, St., De Civilate Dei, 

72 n., 134 n. ; Confessiones, 

134 n. ; De Doctrina Christiana, 

134 n. ; De Quantitate Animae, 

134 n., 192 n. 
Augustus, 49 n., 87 n. 
Aula, 16 n. 
Aus Dantes Verbannung ; see 

Auspitia, 34 n., 39 n. 
Austria, Frederick of ; see Fred- 

Autem, abbreviation of, in MSS., 

157 n. 
Avignon, 3n., 124; Jacques 

d'Euse, Archbp. of, elected 

Pope, 126 ; removal of Apo- 

stolic See to, the eclipse of 

the Papacy, 139 n. 

Babylon, 89 n. 

Babylonii, 68 n. 

Balbo, C, Vita di Dante, xxix, 43, 

85, 149. 
Baldo d* Aguglione, Biforma di, 

156 n., 218. 
Baluze, E., Vitae Paparum Ave- 

nionensium, 126 n. 
Banchi, L., Statuti Senesi, 166 n. 
Bandini, A. M., Catalogus Codicum 

MSS. Graecorum, Latinorum, et 

Italorum Bibliothecae Mediceae- 

Laurentianae, xliii n., xliv. 
Bannister, H. M., x. 
Barbarossa ; see Frederick I. 
Barbera, G., livn., 2n. 
Barbi, Della Fortuna di D. nel Cin- 

quecento, xxxviii n. ; in Bull. 

Soc. Dant. Ital., liii, 21 n., 42n., 

151 n., 152 nn, 154 n., 155 n. ; 

in Studii su Giovanni Boccaccio, 

151 n. 
Baroncelli, Francesco de', al- 

leged imitation of D.'s refer- 

ence to Hannibal in Epist. viii. 

123 n. 
Bartoli, A., Storia della Letteratura 

Italiana, xxx, xxxvn., 32 n., 

63, 83, 123 n., 149. 
Bartolomei, Enrico ; see Susa, 

Henry of. 
Baruffaldi, G., text of Epist. x in 

La Galleria di Minerva, xxxixn., 

xli-ii, xlvi, 161. 
Batines, Colomb de, Bibliografia 

Daniesca, liii, 42 n. 
Battifolle, Countess of, letters 

to Empress Margaret (Epist. 

vii*, vii**, vii***), vii n., viii, 

ix, 1, li, 1, 3, 6n, 8n., 11, 

16 n., 49 n., 63, 65, 76 n., 

87 nn., 97 n., 106-20, 165 n., 

218 ; MS. order of, departed 

frombyTorri, 106n. ; identity 

of the lady, 109 n. 
Battifolle, Guido di Simone di, 

Battifolle, Guido Novello di, 

D.'s host at Poppi, 76 n. 



Baumgartenberger, Formularius 

de modo prosandi, 5 n. 
Bavaria, Louis of ; see Louis. 
Bavaria, Maxiniilian of; see 

Beatrice Portinari, death of, 

xiii ; Filelfo's opinion as to 

D.'s Beatrice, xxviii, xxxin. 
Bede, 135,n. 
Benedict XI, appoints Cardinal 

Niccolo da Prato pacificator in 

Tuscany, 3, 5n., 214; election 

of, 214 ; death, 215. 
Benedictines of Solesmes, 225 n. 
Beniamin maior ; see Richard of 

St. Victor. 
Benoit de Sainte-Maure, Eoman 

de Troie, 56 n. 
Benvenuto da Imola, comment- 

ary on D. C, 46n., 166n., 

175 n., 176 n., 195 n. 
Bergamo, 96 n., 137 n. 
Bernard, St., 74 n. ; De Considera- 

tione, 191 n. 
Berno, G.,,text of Epist. x, 161. 
Bethune, Evrard de ; see Evrard. 
Biagi, V., in Bull. Soc. Dant. Ital, 

160 n., 171 n., 182 nn., 210 n. 
Bianchi, Brunone, 64 n. 
Bianchi, of Florence, leaders 

banished, xxi, 213 ; letter to 

Niccolo da Prato in their 

name, 3 ; send embassy to 

Boniface VIII, 213; finally 

expelled from Florence, 214. 
Bibliofilia, La, liii n., 122. 
Bibliografia Dantesca ; see Batines. 
Biblioteca Ambrosiana (Milan), 

Biblioteca Laurenziana (Flor- 

ence), 19, 31 n. 
Biblioteca Marciana (Venice), 

xlvi, 82. 
Biblioteca Muranese, xlvi, 82 n., 

83 n. 
Biblioteca Riccardiana (Flor- 

ence), 43. 
Biblioteca Vaticana (Rome), 1, 

11, 29, 42, 63, 82. 

Biblioteca Vittorio Emanuele 
(Rome), 42, 82. 

Biondo, Flavio, Historiarum ab 
inclinato Romano Imperio De- 
cades, xxvi-vii, 98 n., 107 n., 

216 n. 

Biscioni, A. M., Prose di D. A. 
e di Messer Gio. Boccaccl, xxxv, 
xliii, 85. 

Blanc, L. G., 161 n. 

BldtterfiXr literarische Unterhaltung, 
xlvn., xlix, 2n. 

Boccaccio, G., Vita di Dante, xvi, 
xxxviii, xlv, 32, 151 ; utilized 
D.'s letter to M. Malaspina, 
xvii, 30-1, 31 nn., 35 n. ; 
Comento sopra la D. C, xvii, 
174 n., 176 n. ; letters of D. in 
his handwriting, xvii, xlv, 19, 
121 ; autograph MSS. of, xvii, 
xlv, 19 n., 31 n., 121 ; Decame- 
ron, xviii ; his Zibaldone, xliii, 
19 n., 20 n. ; prob. original 
compiler of collection of D.'s 
letters in Cod. Vat.-Palat. Lat. 
1729, xlviin., 3n., 12 n., 107; 
and of that in Cod. Laurent. 
xxix. 8, 19, 12l. 

Bodleian, MSS. of Passionale, 
50 n. ; MSS. of Vulgate, 195 n. 

Boehmer, E., in Dante-Jahrbuch, 
171 nn. 

Boehmer, J. F., Begesta Imperii, 

217 nn. 

Boffito, Gr., L'Epistola di D. A. 
a Cangrande della Scala, xvii n., 
xxxviiin., liiin., 160 n., 161 n., 
162, 163 n., 168 n., 169 n., 
187 n. 

Bohemia, Elizabeth, Q. of; see 

Bohemia, John, K. of ; see John. 

Bohemia, Wenceslaa IV, K. of ; 
see Wenceslas. 

BOhmer ; see Boehmer. 

Bologna, Innocent IV, professor 
of law at, 135 n. ; Henry of 
Susa lecturer at, 135 n. ; Latin 
titleof, 166 n. 



Bonaini, F., Acta Henrici VII, 
166 n., 216 nn., 217 n. 

Boniface VIII, alleged letter of 
D. to, xxix ; bulls of, 16 n., 
HOn., 142n. ; death, 139n., 
214 ; contest with the Colon- 
nesi, 139n., 140n., 141 n. ; de- 
prives the Colonna Cardinals, 

139 n., 140 n. ; capture at 
Anagni by Sciarra Colonna, 

140 n. ; Eegistres de Boniface 
VIII, 140 n., 142 n. ; forbids 
Jacopo and Pietro Colonna to 
use the insignia of Cardinal, 

140 n. ; creates his nephew, 
Francesco Gaetani, Cardinal, 

141 n. ; embassy of Florentine 
Bianchi to, 213. 

Borghini, V., xxxviii ; Introdu- 
zione al Poema di Dante per 
VAllegoria, xxxix, xlii. 

Bosone da Gubbio, Petrarch's 
canzone to, 123. 

Botta, V., Dante as Philosopher, 
Patriot and Poet, 150. 

Boulogne, Guy de ; see Guy. 

Brabant, Empress Margaret of ; 
see Margaret. 

Braga, Archbishop of ; see Mar- 
tinus Dumiensis. 

Brescia, siege of, by Henry VII, 
85 n„ 96n., 109 n., 218; Guelfs 
expelled from, by Can Grande, 

Brightman, F. E., x, 50 n. 

Brown, Horatio F., x. 

Brunetto Latini ; see Latini. 

Bruni, Leonardo, Vita di Dante, 
xvi, xviii-xxv, xxviii, xxix, 
xxxi, xliii, 2n., 5n., 64 ; ac- 
count of D.'s letters, xviii- 
xxiii ; at Council of Constance, 
xviii n. ; description of D.'s 
handwriting, xix; trans. of 
Aristotle^sPoe^cSjXix; Diahgus 
ad Petrum Histrum, xix ; Historia 
Florentina, xxin,, xxvn., 3n., 

Bryce, J ,,HolyRomanEmpire, 87 n. 

Bulletin Italien, 88 n., 94 n. 

Bulletiino della Societd Dantesca 
Italiana, vi, xviin., xxvn., 
xxvi nn., xlii n. ,xlviin., lii nn., 
liii, livn.,3n.,7n., 12n., 13n., 
14 n., 15 n., 17 n., 20, 21 n., 
22 n., 23 n., 24 n., 29, 31 nn., 
32, 33 nn., 34n., 36 n., 42 n., 
46 n., 48 n., 54 n., 69 nn., 
73 n., 83 n., 84 n., 107 n., 
128 n., 136 nn., 141 n., 149, 
149n., 151nn., 152nn., 153n., 
154nn.,155n., 156 nn., 157n., 
160 n., 170 n., 171 nn., 174 n., 
179 n., 182 n., 210 n., 222 nn., 
227 n., 228 n., 229 n., 238 n., 
246 n., 250 n. 

Bunbury, F. J., Life and Times of 
D.A., 44, 85, 150. 

Buoncompagno di Firenze, 
224 n. 

Buonconvento, death of Henry 
VII at, 221. 

Buonmattei, B., Quaderno Secon- 
do per le lezioni su D. t xxxviiin. 

Buti, F. da, commentary on 
D.C., xvii, 175 n., 176 n., 
195 n. 

Cabinet Cyclopaedia, 150. 

Caesar, Julius, defeat of Pompey 

at Pharsalia, 52 n. ; siege of 

Fiesole, 75 n. 
Cahors, John XXII native of, 

142 n. 
Calvi, Peregrino, xxvi. 
Cambridge (U.S.A.) Dante Society, 

Annual Reports of, xiiin., 

xxiin., 31 n., 150, 215 n. 
Campaldino, D.'s account of 

battle of, xx, xxviii. 
Can Grande della Scala ; see 

Cancellieri, F., Osservazioni sopra 

V Originalitd della D. 0., 148. 
Canonists, 135 nn. 
Cante de' Gabrielli; see Gabri- 

Canzone of D., ' Amor, dacche 



convien ', addressed to M. 
Malaspina, 32 n., 33 nn., 
34 nn., 35 nn., 36 nn., 36-8, 

Oanzoniere of D., quoted, 113 n. 

Cardinals, Italian, D.'s letter to 
(Epist. viii), xiiin., xvi, xliv, 
xlvi, 19, 86, 121-47, 148, 221 ; 
known to Petrarch and 
Rienzi, 123, 131 n., 137 n., 
names of the Cardinals, 124, 
137 n. ; attack on them in 
Conclave, 124, 221 ; their let- 
ter describing the outrage, 
124 n.-126 n. ; take refuge at 
Valence, 124 ; four of them 
Roman Cardinals, 137 n. 

Cardinals, Roman, names of, 
137 n. 

Carpentras, Conclave at, 3n., 
124-6, 139 n., 142 n., 221; 
outrage on the Italian Cardi- 
nalsat, 124-6, 221. 

Carte Strozziane (Florence), 160. 

Carthage, secular enemy of 
Rome, 141 n. ; destroyed by 
Scipio Africanus Minor, 141 n. 

Casentino, D. in, 32, 32 n., 76n., 

Castello della Pieve, leaders of 
Florentine Neri exiled to, 

Castelvetro, L., Sposizione di Canti 
ventinove delV Infemo, xxxviii, 
xxxix n. 

Castruccio Castraeani, relations 
with Bishop of Luni, 134 n. 

Catholicon; see Giovanni da 

Cavalcanti, Guido ; see Guido. 

Cecco d' Ascoli, references to 
his correspondence with D. 
in Acerba, xiv-xv ; refers in 
Acerba to D.'s correspondence 
with Cino da Pistoja, 21 n. 

Celestial Hierarchies, 16 n., 
184 n. 

Celsitudo, astitle of honour, 97 n., 
104 n., 114 n. 

Cesena, Guido da Polenta Po- 
desta of, xxxv. 

Charles II, K. of Naples, 46 n., 

Choiseul, Comtesse Horace de, 
Dante: Le Purgatoire, 150; 
Dante : Le Paradis, 162. 

Christ Church, Dean of, x. 

Ciampi, S., xlv. 

Cicero, De Finibus, 69 n. ; ' prosa 
numerosa ' of, 224 ; Orator, 
246 n. ; on the use of irapa- 
vXrjpwpara by Asiatic writers, 
246 n. 

Cino da Pistoja, D.'s letter to 
(Epist. iii (iv)), xvii, xliv, xlv, 
15 n., 19-29, 121, 148, 215; 
identified with the Pistojan 
exile, xliv, 20 ; banishment 
from Pistoja, 20-1, 213; his 
return, 21, 215 ; belonged to 
the Neri, 21, 213, 215 ; Barbi 
on, 21 n. ; Corbellini on, 

21 n.; his sonnet to D., 21 n., 

22 n., 26 n. ; Rossetti's trans. 
of, 26 n. ; D.'s sonnet to, 21 n., 

23 n., 26, 28-9, 31 ; Cecco d' 
Ascoli's reference to, 21 n. ; 
Del Bene's reference to, 31. 

Cinyras, K. of Cyprus, father of 

Myrrha, 97 n. 
Ciolo degli Abati, presented at 

the oblatio, 156 n. 
Cipolla, C, Compendio della Storia 

Politica di Verona, 166 n. 
Cittadini, Celso, owned MS. of 

Dante's letters, 42 n. 
CivitateDei, De; see Augustine, St. 
Clark, A. C, 225, 235 n., 238 n., 

245 n. ; The Cursus in Mediaeval 

and Vulgar Latin, 224 n., 

225 nn., 226 n., 227 nn,, 

228 nn., 229 nn. ; in Classical 

Review, 238 n. 
Classical Review, 238 n. 
Claudian, De Bello Gildonieo, 

xxxiii n., xxxv. 
Clausula, 235 n. ; Quintilian on, 

239 n. ; compound clausulae, 



237-41 ; irregular clausulae in 
D.'s letters, 246-7. 

Clement IV, bull of, 66 n. 

Clement V, xliv ; his encyclicals 
in favour of Emp. Henry VII, 
44, 45, 45 n., 58 n., 216, 217; 
supports Henry, 99 n., 216 ; 
death at Koquemaure, 124, 
126, 137 n., 221 ; typified by 
Alcimus in his dealings with 
Philip the Fair, 131 n. ; elec- 
tion as Pope supported by 
tbe Colonna faction, 139 n. ; 
disastrous policy, 139 n. ; 
restores Colonna Cardinals 
sine titulo, 140 n., 215; bulls 
of, 140 n. ; D.'s denunciation 
of, in D. C, 142 n. 

Cocchi collection of MSS., xliii. 

Cod. Ambrosiano C. 145. Inf. 
(Milan) (Epist. x), 160, 165. 

Cod. 314 Capit. Veron. (Verona) 
(Epist. x), 160, 165. 

Cod. Lat. 78 Monac. (Munich) 
(Epist. x), 160, 165. 

Cod. Laurent. xxix. 8 (Florence) 
(Epist. iii (iv), viii, ix), vi n., 
xviin., xliii n., xliv, xlv.xlvi, 
liii, 19, 22, 121, 127, 148, 153. 

Cod. Magliabechiano vi. 164 (Flor- 
ence) (Epist. x), 160, 165. 

Cod. Marc. Lat. xiv. 115 (Venice) 
(Epist. vii), vin., x, 15 n., 82, 
83, 87, 247-9, 251-2. 

Cod. Mediceo (Carte Strozziane) 
(Florence) (Epist. x), 160, 165. 

Cod. Riccardiano 1050 (Florence) 
(Epist. vii), 85. 

Cod. Riccardianff 1304 (Florence) 
(Epist. v), 43. 

Cod. Riccardiano 2545 (Florence) 
(Epist. vii), 85. 

Cod. S. Pantaleo 8 (Rome) (Episi. 
v, vii), x, liii, 15 n., 42, 42n., 
47, 82, 83, 84, 87, 88n., 247-52. 

Cod. Vat.-Palat. Lat. 1729 (Rome) 
(Epist. i, ii, iv (iii), v, vi, vii, 
vii*, vii**, vii***), vin., x, 
xxvi, xlvii-ix, 1, li, liii, 1, 4, 

11, 14, 15 n., 29, 33, 42, 
47, 63, 66, 82, 83, 87, 106, 
108, 112, 113, 116, 117, 247- 
9, 251-2. 

Coelesti Hierarchia, De ; see Diony- 

Coelo, De, of Aristotle, Antiqua 
Translatio of, 189 n. 

Cognizances, family, D.'s refer- 
ences to, 14 n. 

Colonna, Jacopo, created Cardi- 
nal by Nicbolas III, 140 n. ; 
one of six Italian Cardi- 
nals at death of Clement V, 
124, 125, 137 n. ; one of 
four Roman Cardinals, 137 n. ; 
deprivation by Boniface VIII, 
139 nn. ; restored sine titulo by 
Clement V, 140 n., 215. 

Colonna, Pietro, created Cardi- 
nal by Nicholas IV, 140 n. ; 
one of six Italian Cardinals at 
death of Clement V, 124, 125, 
137 n. ; one of four Roman 
Cardinals, 137 n. ; deprivation 
by Boniface VIII, 139 n. ; re- 
stored sine tituh by Clement V, 
140 n., 215. 

Colonna, Sciarra, capture of 
Boniface VIII at Anagni, 
140 n. ; uncle of Jacopo and 
Pietro Colonna, 140 n. 

Colonnesi, 3n., 139 n. ; contest 
of Boniface VIII with, 139 n., 
140 n. 

Colophons of D.'s letters, 65, 
83, 86, 100 n., 107 n., 113 n., 
119 nn. 

Comedy and tragedy, distinc- 
tion between, 176 n. 

Commedia ; see Divina Commedia. 

Commoror, with hinc inde, 131 n. 

Comos, 175. 

Compagni, Dino, Cronica, 3n., 
4n., 7n., 13n., 89n., 91 n., 
96n., 98 n., 108n., 109 n., 213- 

Compendio della Storia Political^ 
Verona ; see Cipolla. 



Conclave at Carpentras, 3n., 
124-6, 139 n., 142 n.; broken 
up by Gascon party, 124-6. 

Conclusio, one of recognized five 
parts of letter, 176 n. 

Concordance to Italian Prose 
Works of Dante, ix n. 

Concordance to Latin Works of 
Dante, viii, ix n. 

Confessiones, of St. Augustine, 
134 n. 

Consideratione, De ; see Bernard, 

Constance, Council of , xviii n. 

Constantine, Emperor, legend of , 
50 n. ; Donation of, 50 n. 

Constantinople, Emperor of, 
114 n. 

Consulte Fiorentine, 139 n., 155 n., 
157 n. 

Contemplatione, De, otherwise 
Beniamin maior ; see Fdchard of 
St. Victor. 

Conti Guidi ; see Guidi. 

Convivio quoted, xiv, 7n., 15 n., 
16 n.. 17 n., 46 n., 52 n., 55n., 
57n.,67nn., 88 n., 89 n., 98 n., 
113 n., 114nn., 130 n., 133 n., 
141 n., 168 n., 169n., 170 n., 
175 n., 176 n., 177 n., 179 n., 
181 n., 182 n., 183 n., 184 n., 
186 nn., 187 n., 188 n., 189 n., 
190 n., 192 n., 194 n. ; D.'s 
' division ' of poems of, 194 n. 

Corbellini, A., Cino da Pistoja: 
Amore ed Esilio, 21 n. 

Coronation ceremony of Em- 
peror, threefold, 216 n. 

Counts Palatine, in Tuscany, 
16 n. 

Crecy, John of Luxemburgkilled 
at, 94 n. 

Creighton, M., in Macmillan^s 
Magazine, 150; Historical Essays 
and Reviews, 150. 

Cremona, siege of, by Henry 
VII, 86 n., 96 n., 108, 113 n., 
118 n., 218; capture of, by 
Can Grande, 163, 223, 

Cugnoni, G., ed. of F. Villani's 
Comento al primo canto delt In- 
ferno, xivn., xviin., 32 n. 

Culmen, as title of honour, 
114 n., 141 n. 

Curio, C. S., Lucan's account of, 
followed by D., 93 n. 

Cursus, in D.'s letters, vii, viiin., 
15n.,22n., 23 n., 36nn., 48n., 
58n., 69nn., 72n., 73n., 74n., 
75 nn., 90 n., 107, 118 n., 
128 n., 129 n., 136 n., 138 n., 
139 n., 166 n., 169 n., 171 nn., 
234-47 ; in other Lat. works, 
vii, 231-4, 238, 243 ; history 
and nature of mediaeval cur- 
sus, 224-31 ; cursus mixtus, 
224-5 ; cursus planus, 227-8, 
230 ; cursus iardus, 228, 230 ; 
curms velox, 228-9, 231, 242-4, 
245 n. ; D.'s uses of, 242-4; 
alliterative velox, 242-3 ; con- 
secutive velox, 243 ; types of, 
used by D., 243-4 ; cursus 
medius, 229-30, 23 1 ; < tyranny ' 
of the cursus, 244-5. 

Cursus, It, nella Storia Letteraria e 
nella Liiurgia ; see De Santi. 

Cursus, The, in Mediaeval and Vul- 
gar Latin ; see Clark. 

Da Bonifazio VIII ad Arrigo VII ; 
see Del Lungo. 

Dal Secolo e dal Poema di Dante ; 
see Del Lungo. 

Damascus, John of, 135 n. 

Dante Alighieri, correspondence 
with Cecco d' Ascoli, xiv-xv ; 
guest of Guido da Polenta at 
Ravenna, xv, xxxv, 222, 223 ; 
his handwriting, xix, xxviii ; 
account of battle of Campal- 
dino, xx, xxviii ; priorate, xx, 
213 ; accused of favouritism 
to the Bianchi, xxi ; secretary 
to Scarpetta Ordelafti at Forli, 
xxvi, 98 n., 107 n., 216 n. ; 
embassy to Venice on behalf 
of Guido da Polenta, xxxii, 



xxxv, 223 ; alleged letter to 
Guido da Polenta, xxxii-vi, 
211-13, 221 ; poetical corre- 
spondence with G. del Virgi- 
lio, xlv, 19 n. ; m6mber of 
Council of Bianchi of Flor- 
ence, 2-3, 5 n. ; joins rest of 
exiles, 3n., 13; leaves them, 
4n., 13, 215; references to 
family cognizances, 14 n. ; 
description of himself as ' ex- 
ul immeritus', 15 n., 20, 44; 
poetical correspondence with 
Cino da Pistoja, 21, 23 n., 26, 
27, 28-9, 31 ; sends canzone 
to M. Malaspina, 31, 33, 36- 
8; in Lunigiana, 31, 31 n., 
32, 33, 215; at Sarzana, 31, 
32, 215; negotiations with 
Bishop of Luni, 31, 215 ; in 
Casentino, 32, 32 n., 76 n. ; 
guest of Guido Novello di 
Battifolle at Poppi, 76 n. ; 
probably present at corona- 
tion of Henry VII at Milan, 
90 n., 217; his ironical ex- 
ceptions, 134 n. ; sentences of 
exile, 152, 156 n., 213, 214; 
excluded from amnesties of 
1316, 152, 222; at Verona, 
164, 222 ; practice of coupling 
examples from sacred and 
profane literature, 167 n. ; de- 
preciatory references to 
women, 177 n. ; doctrine of 
different degrees of divine 
bountyand henceof perfection 
in created things, 186 n. ; 
theory as to transmission of 
celestial influences, 187 n. ; 
doctrine as to relation between 
nobility of a body and its 
place in the universe, 189 n. ; 
interpretation of Nebuchad- 
nezzar's words as to his 
dream, 192 n. ; practice of 
1 dividing ' the poems of V. N. 
and Conv., 194 n. ; ignorant of 
Greek characters, 195 n. ; 

member of embassy to Boni- 

face VIII, 213 ; at San Go- 

denzo, 214; perhaps met 

Petrarch at Pisa, 220 n. ; 

death at Kavenna, 223 ; al- 

leged boast as to rhymes of 

D. C, 245 ; victim of ( tyranny ' 

of the cursus, 245. 
D. A.'s lyrische Gedichte, ubersetzt 

und erkldrt ; see Kannegiesser : 

D.A. y s lyrische Gedichteundpoetischer 

Briefwechsel ; see Krafft. 
D.A., seine Zeit, sein Leben und 

seine Werke ; see Scartazzini. 
D. A.'s prosaische Schriften mit 

Ausnahme der Vita Nuova ; see 

Dante and Giovanni del Virgilio ; 

see Wicksteed : Gardner. 
Dante and his early Biographers ; 

see Moore. 
Dante and Mystics ; see Gard- 

Dante as Philosopher, Patriot and 

Poet; see Botta. 
Dante Dictionary ; see Toynbee. 
Dante e Firenze ; see Zenatti. 
Dante e il ' Dedalo ' Petrarchesco ; 

see Mascetta-Caracci. 
Dante e la Lunigiana; see Novati. 
Dante-Forschungen ; see Witte. 
Dante in Germania ; see Scartaz- 

Dante-Jahrbuch ; see Jahrbuch der 

Deutschen Dante-Gesellschaft. 
Dante Studies and Researches ; see 

Dante, Studies in ; see Moore. 
Dante, Works of ; see Canzoniere, 

Convivio, Divina Commedia, Eclo- 

gae, Epistolae, Monarchia, De, 

Vita Nuova, Vulgari Eloquentia, 

Dantis Alligherii Epistolae quae ex- 

stant ; see Witte : Fraticelli. 
Dares Phrygius, De Excidio Trojae, 

56 n. 
Decretalists, 135 nn. 



Degradare, degradaUo, degradatus, 
139 n. 

Degratiatus, 139 n. 

Degrees of divine bounty, and 
hence of perfection, in created 
things, 186 n. 

De Monarchia e De Vulgari Eloquen- 
tia con le Epistolae e la Quaestio 
de Aqua et Terra di D. A. ; see 
Della Torre. 

De Re Militari ; see Vegetius. 

De Rebus Gestis Henrici VII; see 

De Santi, A. , II Cursus nella Storia 
Letteraria e nella Liturgia, 224 n., 
225n., 226n., 227nn., 228nn., 
229 nn., 247 n. 

D'Euse, Jacques ; see John XXII. 

Del Bene, Sennuccio, utilized 
D.'s letter to M. Malaspina, 31. 

Del Lungo, I., Dino Compagni e la 
sua Cronica, 3 n., 4n., 12 n., 
109 n., 113 n., 156 n., 213 n., 
214nn., 215n., 216 nn., 217n., 
218nn., 219nn., 220n., 221n. ; 
Dal Secolo e dal Poema di Dante, 
139 n. ; DelV Esilio di Dante, 
166 n., 213 n., 214 n., 218 n., 
222 n. ; Da Bonifazio VIII ad 
Arrigo VII, 219 nn., 220 n., 
221 n. 

Del Veltro Allegorico de 1 Ghibellini ; 
see Troya. 

Del Veltro AUegorico di Dante; see 

Della Lana, Jacopo, commentary 
on D. C, xvii, 163, 163 n., 
195 n. 

Della Fortuna di D. nel Cinquecento ; 
see Barbi. 

Della Torre, A., in Bull. Soc. 
Dant. Ital., liin., livn., 149, 
151 n., 152 n., 153 n., 154 n., 
155 n., 156 n., 157 n., 222 nn. ; 
text of Epistolae, 2, 11, 20, 
23 n., 30, 43,63, 84, 106, 112, 
116, 122, 149, 156 n., 162; 
diplomatic transcript of Epist. 
ix, 149. 

DelV Esilio di Dante ; see Del 

Demetrius I, K. of Syria, type 
of Philip the Fair, 131 n. 

Describi, A.V. rendering of, 102 n. 

Diabolus, 88 n., 89 n. 

Dialogo del Forno ; see Tasso. 

Dialogus ad Petrum Histrum ; sec 

Dictamen, 225 ; D.'s use of, 225 n. 

Dictatores, 225; D.'s useof, 225 n. 

Difesa di Dante ; see Mazzoni. 

Dino Compagni ; see Compagni. 

Dino Compagni e la sua Cronica ; 
see Del Lungo. 

Dionisi, G. J., Serie di Aneddoti, 
xliii, xliv, xlvi, 148, 149, 
156 nn. ; Preparazione . . . alla 
nuova edizione di D. A., xliv, 
148, 149, 156 nn. 

Dionysiusthe Areopagite, 135 n. ; 
De Coelesti Hierarchia, 135 n., 
184 n. 

Discoli, 11 n. 

Disgratia, disgratiatas, 139 n. 

Displacement of words in MSS., 
6 n., 15 n., 138 n. 

Diurnus, 35 n., 39 n. 

Divina Commedia, quoted, 4 n. , 7 n. , 
8n., 12, 14n., 15n., 16n., 17n., 
31 n., 36 n., 46 n., 48 n., 49 n., 
52nn., 54n., 56n., 57 n., 58n., 
67 nn., 68 n., 69 n., 70n., 71 n., 
73 nn., 75 nn., 88 n., 89 nn., 
90 n.. 91 n., 92 n., 93 nn., 
96nii., 97 n., 98 nn., 109 n., 
110 n., 113 n., 114 n., 129 nn., 
130 nn., 131n., 133n., 134nn., 
135 nn., 137 n., 141 n., 142 n., 
167 nn., 177 n., 180 n., 182 n., 
184 n., 185 n., 186 nn., 187 n., 
189 nn., 190 nn., 191 nn., 
192nn., 193 nn., 194n., 195 n.. 
221 n. ; alleged dedications of 
the three Cantiche, xxxviii, 
32-3 ; date of completion of 
Paradiso, 163, 223. 

— parallel passages in Epistolae 
and D.C.: — 



Epist. i. 24 : Par. xiii. 105. 
Epist. i. 25 : Purg. xxv. 17-18 ; 

Par. iv. 60. 
Epist. i. 30 : Par. iv. 121-3. 
^pw«. i. 48: Purg. vi. 149- 

Epist. i. 51 : Inf. xiv. 1. 
JEfcristf. ii. 10 : Inf. xvii. 52-73 ; 

xxvii. 41-50. 
Epist. ii. 22 : Par. x. 121. 
Epist. ii. 24 : Par. xxviii. 122. 
Epist. ii. 36-7 : Par. xvii. 58- 

Epist. v. i#. 2 : Inf. ii. 20. 
Jfcrisf. v. 20 : Par. x. 138. 
Epist. v. 40 : Jw/. xv. 75-8 ; 

xxvi. 60. 
Epist. v. 41-2 : Purg. ix. 20-9. 
Epist. v. 46 : Purg. xix. 19 ; 

xxx i. 45. 
Epist. v. 47 : Inf. xxvi. 114- 

Epist. v. 71 : Par. xiii. 37-9 ; 

xxvi. 115-17 ; xxxii. 122-3. 
Epist. v. 104-5 : Par. v. 10- 

Epist. v. 112-13 : Par. vi. 80-1. 
^isf. vi. 10: Par. xi. 119. 
Jirist vi. 10-13: Purg. vi. 76-7. 
.Efcris*. vi. 21 : In/. i. 117. 
Epist. vi. 50 : Purg. xii. 41-2. 
.EpisJ. vi. 59 : Purg. x. 80-1. 
Epist. vi. 83-4 : Par. vi. 109- 

Ppis^. vi. 105 : Par. iii. 26-7. 
Epist. vi. 106: Pwra.xxxi. 61-3. 
Ejris*. vi. 123: In/. xv. 61-2. 
Epist. vi. 132 : Par. vi. 73. 
j£jris£. vii. 3-4 : Par. xxx. 98. 
Epist. vii. 12 : Par. xix. 101-2. 
.Efrristf. vii. 16-17 : Purg. xxii. 

Epist. vii. 34-5 : Par. xvii. 33. 
Epist. vii. 51 : Purg. x. 74. 
Iftrisi. vii. 65 : Inf. xxviii. 98-9. 
Epist. vii. 101-2 : Inf. xxi. 21. 
EpisL vii. 102 : Inf. xxviii. 75. 
Epist. vii. 114-15 : Inf. xxx. 


Epist. vii. 115-19 : Purg. xvii. 

Ejpisfc vii. 121-2 : Inf. xv. 76-8. 
Epist. vii*. 6-7 : Par. ii. 65 ; 

viii. 46 ; xxiii. 92 ; xxx. 

Epist. vii*. 13-14, 19 : Par. iv. 

Epist. vii**. 5-6 : Par. xxxiii. 

Epist. vii**. 7 : Inf. xxix. 2 ; 

Par. xxvii. 3. 
Epist. viii. 18-20 : Par. xviii. 

Epist. viii. 30-1 : Purg. xvi. 

Epist. viii. 33 : Far. xxiv. 59. 
I?jris£. viii. 34-5 : Inf. xvii. 

107 ; Purg. iv. 72 ; xxix. 

118-20 ; Par. xvii. 3 ; xxxi. 

Epist. viii. 39 : Purg. xxxii. 

Epist. viii. 50-1 : Purg. x. 55-7. 
Epist. viii. 71 : Par. xi. 99. 
Epist. viii. 82 : Pwrgr. xxii. 71 . 
JEpisf. viii. 83-4 : Inf. xxi. 41 ; 

xxix. 125. 
Epist. viii. 87-8: Par. ix. 133-5. 
J^pis^. viii. 88 : Par. xii. 83. 
Epist. viii. 107 : Purg. xvi. 

JJp«'s^. viii. 128: Inf. xxxi. 115- 

17 ; Par. xxvii. 61-2. 
.Eferis*. x. 1-4 : Par. xvii. 85-90. 
Epist. x. 5 : Par. xvii. 91-3. 
Upistf. x. 173 : Purg. xxix. 26. 
Epist. x. 271 : Par. xxiv. 133- 

8; xxvi. 25-6, 46-7. 
Epist. x. 309 : Par. x. 115-17. 
Epist. x. 313-14 : Inf. iii. 5-6. 
Epist. x. 327-34 : Par. xxxi. 

Epist. x. 338-42 : Par. i. 122 ; 

ii. 112 ; xxx. 39. 
Epist. x. 344-5 : Purg. xxvi. 63. 
Epist. x. 355-6: Pwra. xxv. 89; 

Par. vii. 74 ; viii. 2-3 ; xix. 

90 ; xxix. 29. 



Epist x. 395-8 : Tnf. xxxiv. 
34; Purg. xii. 25-6; Par. 
xix. 46-8. 

Epist. x. 407 ; Purg. xviii. 49- 

Epist. x. 420-1 : Par. x. 131-2. 

Epist. x. 422 : Par. xxxi. 94 ; 
xxxii. 1. 

Epist. x. 422-3 : Par. xxxii. 35. 

.Epistf. x. 466-7 : Par. xxviii. 
106-11 ; xiv. 40-2. . 

Epist. x. 475 : Par. xxvi. 17. 
Doctrina Christiana, De ; see Augus- 

Donniges, G., Acta Henrici VII, 

Imperatoris Romanorum, 88 n. 
Donati, Foresino di Manetto, 

brother of Gemma Donati, 

153, 154 n. 
Donati, Gemma, D.'s wife, 153, 

Donati, Niccolo, D.'s nephew, 

153, 154 n. 
Donati, Teruccio di Manetto, 

D.'s brother-in-law, prob. 

addressee of Epist. ix, 153. 
Donation of Constantine, 50 n. 
Doni, A. F., Prose Antiche di 

Dante, Petrarcha, et Boccaccio, 

xxxii, xxxv, xxxvi, xl, xlvi, 

84 ; prints alleged letter of 

D. to Guido da Polenta, xxxii- 

vi, xlvi ; La Zucca del Doni, 

xxxv, 84. 
Donoratico, Gherardesca di, 

supposed to be Countess of 

Battifolle of Epist. vii*, vii**, 

vii***, 109 n. 
Du Cange, 6n., 67 n., 74 n., 

138 n., 139 n., 155 n. 
Durandus, "Wilhelmus, Speculum 

Iuris, 135 n. 

Eagle, Imperial, 70 n., 89 n. 
Ebrardus Bethuniensis ; see Ev- 

Ecerinis ; see Mussato. 
Echtheit der drei KaiserbriefeDantes; 
see Wagner. 

Eclectic Review, 150. 
Eclipsis, genitive of, 138 n. 
Eclogae (D.'s Eclogues), 34 n., 

163, 223. 
Edinburgh Review, 148, 149. 
Elementarium Doctrinae Rudimen- 

tum ; see Papias. 
Elizabeth, Q. of Bohemia, 94 n. 
Elogium, 67 n. 

Eloquenza Italiana; see Fontanini. 
Eloquium, 67 n. 
Emperor, Koman, titles of, 49 n., 

87 n. ; typified by the Sun, 

137 n. ; threefold coronation 
ceremony of, 216 n. 

Empire, Roman, typified by the 
Moon, 58 n., 69 n., 78 n. 

Epigramma, 170 n. 

Epistolae (D.'s Letters), quoted, 
6n., 7n., 8n., 14 n., 15 n., 
17n., 22 n., 23 n., 25n., 34nn., 
46 n., 47 nn., 49 nn., 52 n., 
53 n., 54 nn., 56 n., 58 n., 
65 n., 67 nn., 68 nn., 69 n., 
70 n., 71 n., 75n., 76 n., 87 nn., 
89 n., 92 n., 93 n., 95 n., 
97nn.,99nn., 100 nn., 108 n., 
109nn., 110 nn., 113 nn., 
114 nn., 118 nn., 119n., 127 n., 
134 n., 135 n., 136 n.,, 137 n., 

138 nn., 139 n., 140 n., 141 n., 
165 n., 166 n., 182 n., 184 n., 
192 n. ; see Letters of Dante. 

Epistolario di Cola di Rienzo ; see 

Epistolario di Coluccio Salutati ; see 

Epistolarium, seu de arte conflciendi 

epistolas opus; see Filelfo, 

G. M. 
Epistole di D. A. edite e inedite ; see 

Eructuo, 22 n. 

Essays on Petrarch ; see Foscolo. 
Ethics of Aristotle, Antiqua Trans- 

latio of, 56 n., 169 n. 
Eugenius III, St. Bernard's De 

Consideratione dedicated to, 

191 n. 



Europe, represented by old geo- 
, graphers as triangle, 91 n. 
Evrard de Bethune, Graecismus, 

16n.,92n., 195 n. 
Exordium, one of recognized five 

parts of letter, 176 n. 
Explanatio Nominum, interpreta- 

tion of Scripture names, 95 n. 
Ezekiel, patristic application to 

Lucifer of his prophecy against 

Prince of Tyre, 189 n. 

Faba, G., Summa Dictaminis, 5 n. 

Faggiuola, Uguccione della, al- 
leged dedication of Inferno to, 
xxxviii ; letter of Frate Ilario 
to, xliv, xlv, 19 n. ; defeats 
Tuscan Guelfs at Montecatini, 
222 ; death, 223. 

Falterona, Mt., source of Arno 
in, 76 n. 

Ferrara, Academy of Intrepidi at, 

Ficino, Marsilio, Italian trans. 
of Be Monarchia, xliii, 43 n. ; 
Italian trans. of Epist. v, and 
Epist. vii, attributed to, 42, 
43 n., 82, 84 n., 249. 

Fiesolans, descentof Florentines 
from, 75 n. 

Fiesole, destruction by Komans, 
75 n. 

Filattiera, Gherardino da, 
Bishop of Luni, 134 n. 

Filelfo, Francesco, xxvii. 

Filelfo, G. M., account of D.'s 
letters, xxvii-xxxi ; opinion 
that D.'s Beatrice was a 
mythical personage, xxviii, 
xxxi n. ; fabrications, xxix, 
xxx ; Epistolarium, seu de arte 
conflciendi epistolas opus, xxx. 

Finibus, De ; see Cicero. 

Florence, Bianchi and Neri of, 
see Bianchi : Neri ; besieged 
by Emp. Henry VII, xxiv, 
xxv, 220 ; Niccolo da Prato at, 
3-4, 214 ; exiles' attempt on, 
from Lastra, 4 n., 12, 13, 215 ; 

compared to sick woman, 8n. ; 
foundation of, by Romans, 
75 n., 98 n. ; reputed destruc- 
tion of, by Attila or Totila, 
75 n., 98 n. ; Guelfs of, 89 n., 
98 n., 99 n., 100 n. ; compared 
to vixen, viper, sick sheep, 97 ; 
typified by Myrrha and Amata, 
97-8; and (perhaps) by Go- 
liath, 100 ; built on model of 
Rome, 98 n. ; Latin title of, 
166 n. 

Florentine Friend ; see Friend 
in Florence. 

Florentine MSS. of D.'s letters ; 
see Cod. Laurent. xxix. 8 ; Cod. 
Magliabechiano vi. 164 ; Cod. 
Mediceo ; Cod. Riccardiano. 

Florentines, D.'s letter to (Epist. 
vi), xxii, xxiii, xxiv, xxvn., 
1, 1, 15 n., 20, 44, 63-81, 106, 
218, 245 ; insolent reply to 
Henry's ambassadors, xxvi, 
98 n., 216 ; their fortifications 
against Henry VII, 70 n., 
217; descent from Fiesolans, 
75 n. ; resistance to Henry 
VII, 89 n., 99n., 100n.,216-17. 

Fontanini, Giusto, Eloquenza 
Italiana, xxxvn., xlv. 

Forli, D. at, xxvi, 98 n., 107 n. , 
216 n. 

Foscolo, Ugo, in Edinburgh Re- 
view, 148, 149 ; Essays on Pe- 
trarch, 148, 150. 

Francis, St., termed ' archiman- 
drita' by D., 133 n. 

Frankfort, Henry VII elected 
Emperor at, 44. 

Fraticelli, P., Opere minori di 
D.A., viin., xxxiin., xxxvin., 
liin., 1, 2, 11, 19, 20, 28 n., 
29, 30, 42, 43, 63, 71 n., 83, 
85, 121, 122, 123 n., 149, 161, 
162, 183 n., 249 n. ; Dantis 
Aligherii Epistolae quae exstant, 
19, 20, 43, 83, 85, 121, 122, 
148, 149, 161, 162; Vita di 
Dante, 31 n. 



Frederick of Austria, disputes 
Imperial crown with Louis of 
Bavaria, 137 n. 

Frederick I (Barbarossa), Em- 
peror, destruction of Milan 
and Spoleto, 73 n., 245. 

Frederick II, Emperor, 34 n., 
114 nn., 11 7n., 118 n. ; defeat 
at siege of Parma, 72-3 n. 

Frederick II of Aragon, K. of 
Sicily, 46 n. ; alleged dedica- 
tion of Paradiso to, xxxviii. 

Free will, 130 n. 

Frequentative forms, in medi- 
aeval texts, 47 n. 

Friend in Florence, D.'s letter 
to (Epist. ix), xvi, xvii, xliii, 
xliv, xlv, xlvi, livn., 19, 121, 
148-59, 222. 

Frustatorius, 74 n. 

Fugger, Raimund, xlviii. 

Fugger, Ulrich, former owner 
of the Vatican MS. of D.'s 
letters, xlviii-ix ; leaves his 
MSS. to Heidelberg Library, 

Gabrielli, A., Epistolario di Cola 
di Rienzo, 46 n., 123 n. 

Gabrielli, Cante de', sentences 
D. to banishment, 152, 213, 
214 ; elected Podesta of 
Florence, 213. 

Gaetani faction, at election of 
Clement V, 139 n. ; at Con- 
clave at Carpentras, 141 n. 

Gaetani, Francesco, one of six 
Italian Cardinals at death of 
Clement V, 124, 125, 137 n. ; 
one of four Eoman Cardinals, 
1 37 n. ; created by Boniface 
VIII, 141 n. ; member of 
Transteverine faction, 141 n. 

Galleria di Minerva, xli, xlii, 

Gardner, E. G., 5n. ; D. and 
Mystics, 191 nn., 192n.; D. and 
Giovanni del Virgilio, 223 nn. 

Gascon party, at Conclave at 

Carpentras, 124, 139 n. ; their 
outrage on Italian Cardinals, 
124-6, 221. 

Gelli, G. B., Capricci del Bottaio, 
xxxvi ; Letture sopra la D. C, 
xxxvi-vii, xlii. 

Gemma Gemmarum, 173 n. 

Generosa, abbreviation of, in 
MSS., 156 n. 

Genesis, genitive of, 138 n. 

Genitives of words of Greek 
origin, 138 n. 

Genoa, Henry VII at, 96 n., 
219 ; death of Empress Mar- 
garetat, 108 n., 219. 

Genova, Giovanni da ; see Gio- 

Gherardino da Filattiera, Bishop 
of Luni, 134 n. 

Ghibelline party among the 
Cardinals, 139 n., 141 n. ; Can 
Grande Captain General of 
Ghibelline League in Lom- 
bardy, 163. 

Gigli, O., Studi sulla D.C. di 
Galileo Galilei, Vincenzo Borghini, 
ed altri, xxxixn. 

Giornale Dantesco, 33 n. 

Giovanni da Genova, Catholicon, 
7n., 22 n., 35 n., 47 nn., 51 n., 
52 n., 67 n., 70 n., 71 n., 74 n., 
92 n., 132 n., 138 n., 173 n., 
176 n., 195 n. 

Giovanni da Serravalle, state- 
ment that Dante wasa student 
at Oxford, xviii n. ; commen- 
tary and translation of D. C, 
xviii n. 

Giovanni del Virgilio ; see Vir- 
gilio, G. del. 

Giuliani, G. B., Opere Latine di 
D. A., xxxii n., liin., 1, 11,19, 
29, 42, 63, 83, 106, 112, 116, 
117 n., 121, 128 n., 133 n., 
149, 162, 183 n., 186 n., 245; 
Metodo di commentare la Com- 
media di D. A., 461, 162 ; inter- 
polations in text of Epist. x, 
183 n., 184 n. 



Gloriosa, abbreviation of, in 

MSS., 156 n. 
Glossarium Mediae et Inflmae 

Latinitatis ; see Du Cange. 
Goliath, type of Florence, or of 

K. Robert of Naples, 100 n. 
Got, Bertrand de, nephew of 

Clement V, 124; leader of 

Gascon party in their outrage 

on Italian Cardinals at Con- 

clave at Carpentras, 124, 125. 
Graecismus ; see Evrard de 

Grandgent, C. H., The Ladies of 

Dante's Lyrics, 30. 
Gratiosa, abbreviation of, in MSS., 

156 n. 
Grazzini, G. C, xli. 
Greek characters, D. ignorant of, 

195 n. 
Greene, G. W., trans. of Epist. 

vii, 85. 
Gregory the Great, 224, 225 n. ; 

chief works, 134 n. 
Gregory IX, bulls of, 34 n., 

114 nn., 117 n., 118 n. 
Gregory XV, Heidelberg MSS. 

presented to, byMaximilian I, 

Gubbio, Busone da ; see Busone. 
Guelfs, of Florence, 89 n., 98 n., 

99 n., 100 n. ; Guelf party 

among Cardinals, 141 n. 
Guidi, Conti, 14 n., 16 n. ; Counts 

Palatine in Tuscany, 16 n. 
Guido Cavalcanti, exiled to 

Sarzana, xxi ; death, xxi, 

Guido da Pisa, commentary on 

D. C, xvii, 163, 163 n., 174 n., 

179 n. 
Guido da Polenta, alleged letter 

of D. to, xxxii-vi, xlvi, li, 

211-13, 221; D.'s host at 

Ravenna, xxxii, xxxv, 222, 

223 ; D.'s embassy to Venice 

on behalf of, xxxii-v, 223. 
Guido da Romena, D/s letter to 

(Epist. ii), li, 1, 11-18, 20, 29, 

106, 215 ; son of Aghinolfo da 

R., 12, 14 n., 17 n. 
Guido delle Colonne, Historia 

Trojana, 56 n. 
Guido Novello da Polenta ; see 

Guido da Polenta. 
Guido Novello di Battifolle ; see 

Guy de Boulogne, Cardinal, 

Hannibal, siege of Saguntum, 
72 n. ; Petrarch's echo of D.'s 
reference to, 123 ; defeated at 
Zama by Scipio Africanus 
Major, 141 n. 

Hauvette, H., Notes sur des auto- 
graphes de Boccace d la Bibl. 
Laurentienne, xviin.,xlv, 19 n., 
31 n. 

Heberden, C. B., ix ; proposed 
emendations in Epist. i, 6 n. ; 
in Epist. viii, 121 n., 129 n., 
131 n., 141 n. 

Hecker, O., Boccaccio-Funde, 

Heidelberg, capture of,by Tilly, 
xlviii ; MSS. from, transferred 
to the Vatican, xlviii. 

Helen, rape of, 56 n. 

Heliotropium, 47 n., 48 n. 

Henry VII, Emperor, D.'s letter 
to (Epist. vii), xv, xvi, xxii, 
xxiii, xxxii, xl, xlvi, 1, 1, 15 n., 
20, 44, 49 n., 63, 64, 65, 82- 
105, 218, 247-52 ; advent into 
Italy, xxii, xxiv, 1, 44, 70 n., 
89 n., 217 ; besieges Florence, 
xxiv, xxv, 220 ; coronation at 
Rome, 3n., 87 n., 216n., 220 ; 
at Aix-la-Chapelle, 44, 216; 
account of, 44-5 ; Clement V's 
encyclicals in favour of, 44, 
45, 45 n., 58 n., 216, 217; 
crosses Alps to Susa and Turin, 
45, 217; besieges Brescia, 
85 n., 96n., 218 ; reduces Cre- 
mona, 86 n., 96 n., 113 n., 
118 n., 218; title of 'semper 



Augustus', 87 n. ; coronation 
at Milan, 90 n., 134 n., 216 n., 
217 ; at Pavia and G-enoa, 
96 n. ; pacifies Lodi, 113 n. ; 
sends embassy to Clement V, 
216 ; sends ambassadors to 
Italian cities, 216 ; defied by 
Florentines, 216, 219 ; at Lau- 
sanne, 217 ; sends embassy 
to Florence, 219 ; at Genoa, 
219; at Pisa, 220; reaches 
Rome, 220 ; dies at Buoncon- 
vento, 221 ; buried at Pisa, 

Hercules, sack of Troy by, 56 n. 

Heresis, genitive of, 138 n. 

Hesione, rape of, 56 n. 

Heyse, Th., discovers Vatican 
MS. of D.'s letters, xlvii, xlix, 

Hillard, K., trans. of Epist. x, 

Histoire des Doctrines grammaticales 
au Moyen Age ; see Thurot. 

Historia adv. Paganos ; see Orosius. 

Historia Langobardorum, 52 n. 

Historia Trojana, 56 n. 

Historiarum ab inclinato Romano 
Imperio Decades ; see Biondo. 

Hogan, J. F., Life and Works of 
D. A., 150. 

Holy Roman Empire ; see Bryce. 

Honorius III, bulls of, 34 n., 
114 n., 117 n., 118 n. 

Honorius IV, bull of, 16 n. 

Howell, A. G. Ferrers, trans. of 
Vulg. Eloq., 215 n. 

Hungary, King of, alleged letter 
of D. to, xxix. 

Ilario, Frate, letter to Uguccione 

della Faggiuola, xliv, xlv, 

19 n. 
Imola, Benvenuto da ; see Ben- 

Imperator, 87 n. 
Inferno ; see Divina Commedia. 
Influences, Celestial, means of 

transmission, 187 n. 
Inita, 51 n. 

Innocent III, bulls of, 34 n., 

114 n., 117 n. 
Innocent IV, bull of, 16 n. ; 

a Decretalist, 135 n. 
Insignia of Cardinals, 140 n. 
Intelligences, Celestial, trans- 

mission of influence of, 183 n. 
Intentum, 23 n. 
Intrepidi, Academy of, at Ferrara, 

Invicem, In, 72 n. 
Invidiosus, 49 n. 

Italian Cardinals ; see Cardinals. 
Italy, Princes and Peoples of, 

D.'s letter to {Epist. v), xlii, 

xliii, xlv, li, 1, 15 n., 20, 42- 

62, 64, 82. 

Jacopo della Lana; see Della 

Jacopus de Voragine, 49 n. 

Jahrbuch der Deutschen Dante-Gesell- 
schaft, 171 nn. 

Jerome, St., 74 n. 

John XXII (Jacques d'Euse), 
Pope in succession to Clement 
V, 126, 142 n. ; D.'s denuncia- 
tion of, in D. C, 142 n. 

John XXIII, Bruni secretary to, 

John of Damascus, 135 n. 

John of Luxemburg, K. of Bo- 
hemia, 94 n. ; badge and mot- 
to, 94 n. ; killed at CrScy, 94 n. 

Judas, reminiscence of Vulgate 
account of his suicide, 98 n. 

Judas Maccabaeus, 131 nn. 

Justinian, Pandects, 67 n. 

Kannegiesser, K. L., D.A.'spro- 
saische Schriften, vii n. , liv n. , 
2, 11, 20, 30, 43, 64, 85, 106, 
112, 116, 122, 150, 162 ; trans. 
of D.'s lyrical poems, xlixn., 
1, 29. 

Ker, W. P., x. 

Koch, T. W., Catalogue of Cornell 
Dante Collection, 43 n., 85 n. , 
148 n., 150 n. 



Krafffc, C, trans. of D.'s lyrical 

poems, 30. 
Kraus, F. X., Dante, sein Leben 

und sein Werk, 44, 85, 122. 

Lana, Jacopo della ; see Della 

Landino, Cristoforo, notice of 

D. in his commentary on 

B. C, xxxi. 
Langobardorum Historia, 52 n. 
Lanzoni, G., xli, xlii. 
Laqmedon, repulse of Argonauts 

from Simois, 56 n. ; rape of 

his daughter, Hesione, 56 n. 
Lardner, D., Cabinet Cyclopaedia, 

Lastra, exiles* attempt on Flo- 

rence from, 4 n., 12, 13, 215. 
Latham, C. S., Translation of 

Dante's Eleven Letters, viin., 

livn., 2, 12, 20, 30, 44, 64, 

71 n., 85, 122, 150, 162. 
Latialis, 54 n., 246. 
Latini, Brunetto, xxxviii-ix ; 

Tresor, 56 n., 136 n. 
Latinus, father-in-lawof Aeneas, 

95 n. ; his followers typify 

supporters of the Empire, 

95 n. ; husband of Amata and 

father of Lavinia, 98 n. 
Latrare, 192 n. 
Laurentian MS. of D.'s letters ; 

see Cod. Laurent. xxix. 8. 
Lausanne, Henry VII receives 

Italian envoys at, 44. 
Lavinia, daughter of Latinus 

and Amata, wedded to Aeneas, 

98 n. 
Lazzari, Pietro, xlii, xlv, li ; 

Miscellaneorum ex MSS. libris 

Bibliothecae Coll. Rom. Soc. Jesu, 

xliii n., 43. 
Lectura Dantis : Opere Minori di 

Bante ; see Novati. 
Lectures on the History of the Papal 

Chancery ; see Poole. 
Legenda Aurea, 49 n., 50 n. 
Legenda Sanctorum, 50 n. 

Leone Allacci e la Palatina di 
Heidelberg ; see Mazzi. 

Letters of Dante, numeration of 
lines in Latin fcexts of, viii-ix, 
254; history of,xiii-liv; MSS. 
of, vn., xlvii-ix, li, liii, 1, 11, 
15 n., 19, 29, 42, 63, 82-3, 
106, 112, 116, 121, 148, 160-1, 
247-9, 251 ; editions of, v n., 
xlv-lii, 1, 2, 11, 19-20, 29-30, 
42-3, 63, 83-4. 106, 112, 116, 
121-2, 148-9, 161 ; translations 
of, livn., 2, 11-12, 20, 30, 
43-4, 51 n., 63-4, 84-5, 106- 
7, 112, 116, 122, 149-50, 162; 
spurious titles of, 12, 30, 
127 n. ; cursus in, see Cursus ; 
numeration of, 21 n., 106 n. ; 
dating of, 65, 86, 108, 116-17 ; 
colophons of, 65, 83, 86, 100 n., 
107 n., 113 n., 119 nn. ; see 

Lodi, pacification of, by Henry 
VII, 113 n. 

Lombards, their Scandinavian 
origin, 52 nn. 

Lombardy, D.'s description of, 
96 n. ; rebellious cities of, 108 ; 
Ghibelline League in, 163. 

Longfellow, H. W., trans. of 
B. C, 85. 

Longhi, Guglielmo de', one of 
six Italian Cardinals at death 
of Clement V, 124, 125, 137 n.; 
native of Bergamo, 137 n. 

Longobards, descent of Lom- 
bards from, 52 nn. 

Louis of Bavaria, disputes Im- 
perial crown with Frederick 
of Austria, 137 n. ; elected 
Emperor as Louis IV, 221. 

Lowell, J. K., in New American 
Cyclopaedia, 150; in FifihAnnual 
Report of Cambridge (U.S.A.) 
Bante Society, 150. 

Lucan, his account of Curio 
followed by D., 93 n. 

Lucca, city of, letter to K. Robert 
of Sicily, 88 n. 



Lucifer, patristic application to, 
of Ezekiel's prophecy against 
the Prince of Tyre, 189 n. 

Luni, Bishop of, D.'s negotia- 
tions with, 31, 215 ; Gherar- 
dino da Filattiera, 134 n. 

Lunigiana, D. in, 31, 31 n., 32, 
33, 215. 

Luxemburg, Henry of; see 
Henry VII. 

Luxemburg, John of ; see John. 

Lyons, election of John XXII at, 

Macmillan's Magazine, 1 50. 

Macri-Leone, F., ed. of Boccac- 
cio's Vita di Dante, xvi nn., 
xxxviiin., 32 n., 33 n., 151 n. 

Magliabechian MS. of Epist. x ; 
see Cod. Magliabechiano. 

Magnae Derivationes ; seeUguccione 
da Pisa. 

Magnalia, 95 n. 

Magnificentia, as title of honour, 
34 n., 166 n. 

Malaspina, Currado I, 32. 

Malaspina, Currado II, 31 n., 32. 

Malaspina, Franceschino, D.'s 
host at Sarzana, 31, 32. 

Malaspina, Moroello, D.'s letter 
to (Epist. iv (iii)), xvii, li, 1, 
11, 21, 29-41, 63, 216; alleged 
dedication of Purgatorio to, 
xxxviii, 33 ; D. sends canzone 
to, 31, 33, 36-8 ; identity of, 
32, 33 n. ; < il vapor di Valdi- 
magra ', 32 ; marries Alagia 
de' Fieschi, 32 ; acc. to Boc- 
caccio, D. while his guest 
decides to continue D. C, 32. 

Malaspini, D.'s relations with, 
31, 31 nn., 32, 215; Spino 
Fiorito branch of, 134 n. 

Malignantes, 93 n. 

Mandagot, Guillaume de, Colon- 
nesi candidatefor Papacy, 124. 

Manetti, Giannozzo, Vita Dantis, 
xxiii-v, 64, 65 ; possessed MS. 
of D.'s letters, xxv-vi, xlviii. 

Manfredi da Giovagallo, father 

of Moroello Malaspina, 32. 
Marcian MS. of D.'s letters ; see 

Cod. Marc. Lat. xiv. 115. 
Margaret of Brabant, Empress, 

wife of Henry VII, letters of 

Countess of Battifolle to ; see 

Battifolle ; her title of ' Au- 

gusta', 49 n., 87 n. ; account 

of, 108 n. ; death at Genoa, 

108 n., 219. 
Maro, D.'s use of, for Virgilius, 

90 n., 246. 
Martinus Dumiensis, Arch- 

bishop of Braga, his Fortuito- 

rum Remedia attributed to 

Seneca, 25 n. 
Mascetta-Caracci, L., Dante e il 

l Dedalo' Petrarchesco, 107 n., 

120 n. 
Mass, Canon of, quoted, 5 n. 
Massi, — , attempts to forestall 

Witte's ed. of D.'s letters, xlix. 
Matthew the Florentine, scribe 

of MS. of Passionale, 50 n. 
Maximilian I of Bavaria, pre- 

sents Heidelberg MSS. to 

Gregory XV, xlviii. 
Mazzi, C, Leone Allacci e la Pala- 

tina di Heidelberg, xlviii n. 
Mazzoni, G., in Bull. Soc. Dant. 

Ital, 149 n., 151 n. 
Mazzoni, J., xxxviii ; Difesa di 

Dante, xxxix, xl. 
Medicean MS. of Epist. x ; see 

Cod. Mediceo. 
Medici, Pietro de', xxvii. 
Mehus, Abate, Vita Ambrosii 

Camaldulensis, xliv. 
Mellini, Domenico, xl. 
Memorie della Reale Accademia delle 

Scienze di Torino, liii n., 160 n., 

Memorie per servire alla Vita di 

Dante ; see Pelli. 
Mende, Bishop of; see Duran- 

Mercury, identification of, with 

Anubis, 94 n. 



Mestica , G. , Le Rime di F. Petrarca, 
123 n. 

Metamorphosis, genitive of, 138 n. 

Metaphors, bold, used by D., 73 n. 

Metaphysics of Aristotle, Antiqua 
Translatio of, 179 n. ; Eng. 
trans. by W. D. Ross, 179n. 

Metodo di commentare la Commedia 
di D. A. ; see Giuliani. 

Meyer, W., Fragmenta Burana, 
75 n. 

Milan, destruction by Barba- 
rossa, 73 n., 245 ; coronation 
of Henry VII at, 90n., 134n., 
216 n., 217; Henry VII at, 
86 n., 91 n., 95 n., 108, 113 n., 

Milanese MS. of Epist. x ; see 
Cod. Ambrosiano. 

Misserini, M., trans. of Epist. x, 

Modern Language Review, v, vii, 
xxv n., lin., lii n., liii, 
iivn., 2, 11, 20, 22 n., 23 n., 
30, 43, 46 n., 51 n., 56 n., 63, 
64, 65,84, 106, 107, 112, 116, 
118 n., 122, 149, 150, 162, 
166n., 224 n., 249, 250, 251 nn. 

Mombritius, Sanctuarium, 50 n. 

Monarchia, De, Filelfo's fabrica- 
tion of beginning of, xxx ; 
Ficino's trans. of, xliii, 43 n. ; 
Witte's ed. of, xlviin., 1 n. ; 
Vatican MS. of, xlvii, 1, 1 n. ; 
quoted, x, 15 n., 23 n., 46 n., 
49 n., 52 n., 54 n., 56n., 57 n., 
58 n., 67 nn., 68 n., 73 n., 
78 n., 90 n., 92 nn., 114 n., 
133 n., 134 n., 137 n.., 139 n., 
141 n., 172 n., 173 n., 179 n., 
182 n., 187 n., 188 n., 193 n. ; 
cursus in, 229 n., 231-3, 234n., 
238, 243. 

Montaperti, Henry VII at, 221 ; 
defeat of Guelfs at, in 1260, 
221 n. 

Montecatini, defeat of Tuscan 
Guelfsat, 154 n., 222. 

Montepulciano, F. da, Vatican 

MS. of D.'s letters originally 
executedfor, xlvii ; bequeaths 
his books to Capitular Library 
of Montepulciano, xlvii. 

Montgomery, J., Life of Dante, 

Moon, as type of Roman Empire, 
58 n., 69 n., 78 n. 

Moore, E., ix, 160 n. ; D. and 
his Early Biographers, xviii n., 
xxx n. ; Tutte le Opere di D.A., 
1, 11, 19, 29, 42-3, 63, 83, 
122, 149, 162; Studies in D., 
xviin., lin., livn., 15n., 71n., 
75 n.. 76 n., 91 n., 92 n., 106, 
107, 108n., 110n., 112, 113n., 
114 n., 116, 118 n., 128 n., 
138 n., 142 n., 163, 164 n., 
165 n., 167 n., 168 n., 169nn., 
175 n., 177 n., 182 nn., 185 n., 
186n., 187n., 188nn., 189nn., 
192 n., 194 nn., 222 n. ; in 
Modern Language Review, lin., 
106, 107, 112, 116, 118n. 

Moreni, Domenico, xxix. 

Moschini,Abate G. A., xlvi, 82 n. 

Moutier, I., ed. of Cronica di G. 
Villani, 43, 85. 

Mt. Cenis, Henry VII crosses, 45. 

Mugello, warfare in, 7 n., 214. 

Munich MS. of Epist. x ; see Ood. 
Lat. 78 Monac. 

Murano, library at ; see Biblio- 
teca Muranese. 

Muratori,L. A., Rerum Italicarum 
Scriptores, xli n., 82 n. 

Murviedro (anc. Saguntum), 
72 n. 

Mussato, A., De Rebus Gestis 
Henrici VII, xl, 82 n. ; Ecerinis, 
165 n. 

Muzzi, Luigi, Tre Epistole Latine 
di D. A. restituite a piu vera 
lezione, liin., 19, 121, 122, 
133 n., 138 n., 148, 149, 156 n. 

Myrrha, type of Florence, 97 n. 

Mystical writers in Dante, 
191 n., 192 n. 

Mystics, D. and ; see Gardner. 



Nadab, 131 nn. 

Narratio, one of recognized five 
parts of letter, 176 n. 

Naso, D.'s use of, for Ovidius, 

Nebuchadnezzar, D.'s interpre- 
tation of his words as to his 
dream, 192 n. 

Negotium, 169 n., 178 n. 

Negroni, Carlo, ed. of Gelli's 
Letiure sopra la D. C, xxxvii n. 

Nemesis, temple of, at Rhamnus, 
25 n. 

Neri, leaders banished from 
Florence, xxi, 213; expelled 
from Pistoja, 21, 213; their 
return, 21, 215 ; their cause 
espoused by Charles of Valois, 
213, 214. 

New American Cyclopaedia, 150. 

Niccolo da Prato, D.'s letter to 
(Epist. i), li, 1-10, 29, 63, 107, 
214; Bishop of Ostia and 
Velletri, 3, 5n., 9, 125 n. ; 
pacificator in Tuscany, 3, 5n., 
214 ; a Ghibelline, 3n. ; took 
part in coronation of Henry 
VII at Rome, 3 n., 220 ; one 
of Colonna party at Carpen- 
tras, 3 n., 124, 125 ; death at 
Avignon, 3 n. ; one of six 
Italian Cardinals at death of 
Clement V, 124, 125, 137 n. ; 
as one of leaders of Colonna 
faction took active part in 
securing election of Clement 
V, 139 n. 

Niccolo degli Albertini ; see 
Niccolo da Prato. 

Nicholas III, deseription of 
himself as * figliuol dell' Orsa', 
139 n. ; creates Jacopo Colon- 
na Cardinal, 140 n. 

Nicholas IV, creates Napoleone 
degli Orsini Cardinal, 139 n. ; 
and Pietro Colonna, 140 n. 

Nobility of substance and nobil- 
ity of place, doctrine of rela- 
tion between, 189 n. 

Norton, C. E. , ix n. 

Notices et Extraits des Manuscrits, 
224 n. 

Novati, F., vin., liii ; Epistolario 
di Coluccio Salutati, xlvii n. ; 
in Lectura Dantis : Opere Minori di 
Dante, xlviiin., liii n., livn., 
5 n. ; in Dante e la Lunigiana, 
liiin., livn., 30, 34 n., 35 n., 
107 n. 

Obcaecare, 69 n. 

Oberto da Romena, D.'s letter to 

(Epist. ii), li, 1, 11-18, 20, 29, 

106, 215 ; son of Aghinolfo da 

R., 12, 14 n., 17 n. 
Oblatio, ceremony of, 154 n.- 

155 n., 157 n. 
Observationes de Dantis Epistola 

nuncupatoria ad Canem Grandem 

de Scala ; see Witte. 
Offerri, technical sense of, 157 n. 
Oliphant, M., Makers of Florence, 

Omega, 195 n. 
Omicron, 195 n. 
dfioioTeKevra, errors arisingfrom, 

Opere Latine di D. A. ; see Giuliani. 
Opere Minori di D. A. ; see Frati- 

celli : Passerini. 
Oportet, D.'s construction of, 

137 n. 
Oraculi series, 34 n., 39 n. 
Ordelaffi, Scarpetta, D. secre- 

tary to, at Forli, xxvi, 98 n.. 

107 n. ; fateofOrdelaffipapers, 

Orosius, Historia adv. Paganos, 

49 n., 57 n., 93 n., 128 n., 

129 n., 142 n. 
Orsini, ' filii Ursi ', regular 

Latin rendering of the name, 

139 n. ; Orsini faction, at elec- 

tion of Clement V, 139 n. 
Orsini, Napoleone, one of six 

Italian Cardinals at death of 

Clement V, 124, 125, 137 n. ; 

one of four Roman Cardinals, 



137 n.; a Ghibelline, 139 n. ; 
as one of leaders of Colonna 
faction took active part in 
securing election of Clement 
V, 139 n. ; not a member of 
Orsini faction, 139 n. ; leader 
of opposition to Gascon party 
in Conclave at Carpentras, 
139 n. ; letter to Philip the 
Fair, 139 n. ; lukewarmness 
as to restoration of Colonna 
Cardinals, 139 n. 

Osservazioni sopra V Originalitci della 
D. C. di Dante ; see Cancellieri. 

Ostia, Bishop of ; see Niccolo da 
Prato : Susa, Henry of. 

Otomega, 195 n. 

Otomicron, 195 n. 

Ottimo Comento on D. C, xvii, 
176 n., 195 n., 213, 245 n. 

Otto I, makes founder of Conti 
Guidi Count Palatine in Tus- 
cany, 16 n. 

Otto IV, 34 n. 

Ovid, his use of vestrum, 137 n. ; 
D. 's use of Naso for Ovidius, 246. 

Oxford Dante, v, vii, viii, ix, li, 
ln., 4, 11 n., 14, 19n.,21n., 
22, 29 n.. 33 n., 36 n., 47, 66, 
75 n. , 84, 87 ; see Moore. 

Oxford Dante Society, x, xiii n. 

Padua, defeat of Can Grande at, 

163, 223 ; rebels against Henry 

VII, 220. 
Palestrina, Cardinal-Bishop of ; 

see Mandagot. 
Pandects, of Justinian, 67 n. 
Papacy, typified by Sun, 58 n., 

69 n., 78 n., 137 n., 139 n. ; 

eclipse of, by removal of 

Apostolic See to Avignon, 

139 n. 
Papal Chancery, Lectures on the 

History of; see Poole. 
Papias, Elementarium Doctrinae 

Rudimentum, 47 n., 55 n., 67 n., 

173 n. 
Paradiso ; see Divina Commedia. 

IlapaiT\7]pufjuiTa, 246 n. 

Parma, siege of, by Emp. 
Frederick II, 72-3 n. ; rebels 
against Henry VII, 219. 

Parodi, E. G., vi ; in Bull. Soc. 
Dant. Ital., vin., liiin., 7n., 
15 n., 19-20, 23 n., 31 n., 54n., 
69nn., 70 n., 83 n., 84 n., 
107 n., 136 nn., 171 nn., 227 n., 
228 n., 229 n., 238 n., 246 n., 
250 n. 

Pascoli, G., La Mirabile Visione, 

Pascuus, 132 n. 

Passerini, G. L., Opere Minori di 
D.A., 1, 2, 11, 19, 20, 30, 43, 
63, 83, 85, 106, 112, 116, 117 n., 
122, 149, 157 n., 162. 

Passionale, 50 n. 

Paul, St., martyrdom of, at 
Rome, 1 29 n. ; mentions Diony- 
sius the Areopagite, 135 n. 

Paulus Diaconus, Historia Lango- 
bardorum, 52 n. 

Pavia, Henry VII at, 96 n. 

Pelli, G., Memorie per servire alla 
Vita di Dante, xxix, 148. 

Percutere in ore gladii, 49 n. 

Perugia, chancellorship of, xlvii. 

Peter, St., martyrdom of, at 
Rome, 129 n. ; termed ' archi- 
mandrita ' by D., 133 n. 

Peter III, K. of Aragon, 46 n. 

Petiiio, one of recognized five 
parts of letter, 176 n. 

Petrarca, F., Vatican MS. of his 
Eclogues, xlvii, 1 ; his canzone 
'Vergine bella', 50 n. ; D.'s 
letter to Italian Cardinals 
known to, 123, 137 n. ; his 
canzone ' Spirto gentil ', 123 ; 
perhaps met D. at Pisa, 220 n. 

Petrarca, Saggi sopra il ; see Ugoni. 

Petrarch, Essays on ; see Foscolo. 

Pharsalia, battle of, 52 n. 

Philip the Fair, of France, 
typified by Demetrius I, K. 
of Syria, in his dealings with 
Clement V, 131 n. ; death, 221. 



Phoenix, B. Latini's account of, 

Piccola Antologia della Bibbia 

Volgata . . . con alcune Epistole 

di D. ; see Pistelli. 
' Pie ', 15 n., 138 n. 
Piendibeni, F. de' ; see Monte- 

pulciano, F. da. 
Pietro di Dante, commentary 

on D.C., xvii, 166 n., 175 n., 

176 n., 195 n.; alleged letter 

of D. to, xxix. 
Pignoria, L., possessed MS. of D.'s 

letter to Henry VII, xl, 82 n. 
Pisa, Henry VII at, 220, 221 ; 

burial at, 221 ; D. and Petrarch 

perhaps meet at, 220 n. 
Pisa, Guido da ; see Guido. 
Pisa, Uguccione da ; see 

Pistelli, E., vi, liii ; in BuU. Soc. 

Bant. Ital., vin., 24 n., 69 n., 

73 n., 74 n. ; Piccola Antologia 

dellaBibbia Volgata . . . con alcune 

Epistole di D., livn., 84, 98 n., 

149, 157 n. 
Pistoja, Neri expelled from, 21, 

213; Latintitle of, 166 n. 
Pistoja, Cino da ; see Cino. 
Pistojan exile ; see Cino. 
Pliny, Hist. Nat., 48 n. 
Plumptre, E. H., trans. of Ganz. 

xi, 40-1. 
Poetria, 176n. 

Poggibonsi, Henry VII at, 221. 
Polenta, Guido da ; see Guido. 
Polysemos, 173. 
Pompey, defeat of, at Pharsalia, 

52 n. 
Poole, K. L., Lectures on the 

History of the Papal Chancery, 

224 n., 226 n., 231 n. 
Pope, typified by Sun, 137 n. 
Poppi, Castle of, D. at, 76 n., 

107 ; situation of, 76 n. 
Potthast, A. ; see Begesta Pontif. 

Praeviatio, 180 n. 
Prato, Niccolo da ; see Niccold. 

Preparazione istorica e critica alla 

nuova edizione di D. A. ; see 

Primipilus, 130 n. 
Princes and Peoples of Italy; 

see Italy. 
Proemio, 179 n. 
Profiteri, 102 n. 

Prosa numerosa, of Cicero, 224. 
Prose antiche di Dante, Petrarcha, et 

Boccaccio ; see Doni. 
Prose di D. A. e di Messer Gio. 

Boccacci ; see Biscioni. 
Pseudo-Fulgentius, commentary 

on Thebaid, 55 n. 
Punic War, Second, 72 n. 
Punica barbaries, W. Meyer on, 

75 n. 
Punctalis, 127 n. 
Purgatorio ; see Divina Commedia. 

Quaestio de Aqua et Terra, quoted, 
49n., 55n., 92n., 132 n., 177 n., 
188 n., 189 n. ; cursus in, 231, 
233-4, 238, 243. 

Quamquam, always used by D. 
with subj., 72 n. 

Quantitate Animae, De ; see Augus- 

Quintilian, onthe clausula, 239 n. 

Bassegna critica della Letteratura 

Baliana, 30 n. 
Ravenna, D. guest of Guido da 

Polenta at, xxxii, xxxv, 222, 

223 ; D.'s death at, 223. 
Becipere, used absolutely, 205 n. 
Begesta Imperii, ed. Bohmer, 

216 nn. 
Begesta Pontificum Bomanorum, ed. 

Potthast, 3n., 5n., 16 n., 

34 n., 66 n., 114 n., 117 n., 

118 n., 140 n. 
Begia, 16 n. 
Begistres de Boniface VIII, 140 n., 

142 n. 
Betractatio, 76 n. 
Bhamnus, temple of Nemesis at, 

25 n. 



Ricci, C, VUltimo Rifugio di 

Dante, 109 n. 
Richard of St. Victor, De Con- 

templatione (otherwise Beniamin 

maior), 191 n. 
Rienzp, Cola di, letters, 46 n., 

123, 139 n. ; D.'s letter to 

Italian Cardinals utilized by, 

123 ; parallel passages, 123 n., 

131 n. 
Riforma di Baldo d' Aguglione, 

156 n., 218. 
Bipercuotere, of reflected light, 

183 n. 
Biihimus, ritmo, 175 n. 
Robert, K. of Naples, 46 n., 

88 n., 98 n., 99 n., 216; head 

of Guelf opponents of Henry 

VII, 98 n., 99 n., 100 n., 216; 

typified by Turnus, 98 n. ; by 

Goliath, 100 n. 
Rockinger, Uber Briefsleller und 

Formelbilcher des Mittelalters, 5 n. 
Romagna, 3, 9. 
Roman MSS. of D.'s letters ; see 

Cod. S. Pantaleo 8 ; Cod. Vat.-Palai. 

Lat. 1729. 
Boman de Troic, 56 n. 
Bomania, 91 n., 179 n. 
Romanis, F. de, ed. of D. C, 43, 

Romans, descended from Tro- 

jans, 52 n., 53 n. ; destruction of 

Fiesole, and foundation of 

Florence, 75 n. ; descent of 

Florentines from, 75 n. 
Rome, library of Jesuits' College 

at, xliii ; coronation of Henry 

VII at, 3 n., 87 n., 216 n., 220. 
Romena, Aghinolfo da ; see 

Romena, Alessandro da ; see 

Romena, Guido da ; see Guido. 
Romena, Oberto da ; see Oberto. 
Roquemaure, death of Clement 

V at, 124. 
Ross, W. D., trans. of Metaphysics, 

179 n. 

Rossetti, D. G., Dante and his 

Circle, 26 n. ; Dante at Verona, 

150 n. 
Rossetti, M. F.. A Shadow ofDanie, 

Rostagno, E., Sul Tesio della Lettera 

di D. aiCardinali Italiani, liiin. ; 

in La Bibliofllia, liii n., 122 ; 

diplomatic transcripts ofEpist. 

iii (iv), 19 n., and Epist. viii, 

122 ; ed. of Boccaccio's Vita di 

Dante, 151n.-152n. ; in Bull. 

Soc. Dant. Ital., 157 n. 
Rutulians, typify opponents of 

the Empire, 95 n. ; Turnus, K. 

of, 95 n., 98 n. 
Ryihme des Bulles Pontiflcales, Le ; 

see Valois. 

Sabbadini, R., in Bull. Soc. Dant. 
Ital., 22 n., 23 n., 24 n. ; pro- 
posed emendations in Epist. 
iii (iv), 22 n., 23 nn., 24 n. ; 
in Epist. iv (iii), 33 n. ; in 
Giornale Dantesco, 33 n. 

Saggi sopra il Petrarca ; see Ugoni. 

Saguntum, siege of, 72 n. 

Salutati, Coluccio, xlvii ; his 
letters, xlviin., 15 n., 139 n. 

Salutatio of letter, rules as to 
names in, 5 n. ; formula in, 
87n.-88 n. ; one of recognized 
five parts of letter, 176 n. 

San Godenzo, D. at, 214. 

San PantaleoMS. of D.'s letters; 
see Cod. S. Pantaleo 8. 

Sanctuarium, of Mombritius, 50 n. 

Sarzana, leaders of Florentine 
Bianchi exiled to, xxi ; D. at, 
31, 32, 215. 

Scala, Alberto della, 166 n. 

Scala, Bartolommeo della, 166 n. 

Scala, Can Grande della, D.'s 
letter to {Epist. x), xvi, xvii, 
xxxvi-xl, xli-ii, xliii, xlvi, 
li, liii, livn., 160-211, 223, 
225 n., 229 n., 231 n., 237; 
preamble to, xxxixn., xli-ii, 
160 n. ; letter of D. to, men- 



tioned by F. Biondo, xxvi, 
98 n., 216 n. ; takes Vicenza, 
118 n., 218; defeat at Padua, 
163, 223 ; takes Cremona, 163, 
223; elected Capt. Gen. of 
Ghibelline League in Lom- 
bardy, 163, 223 ; Latin form 
of surname, 165 n. ; expels 
Guelfs from Brescia, 219 ; ap- 
pointed Imperial Vicar in Vi- 
cenza, 219, 222 ; andin Verona, 
222 ; D.'s host at Verona,223. 

Scala, Martino, 166 n. 

Scandinavians, descent of Lom- 
bards from, 52 n. 

Scartazzini, G. A., Dante in 
Germania, xxxv n. , xxxvi n. ; 
Dante Alighieri, seine Zeit, sein 
Leben und seine Werke, 2, 12, 30, 
43-4, 64, 85, 122, 150, 162 ; 
Prolegomeni della D. C, 42, 63, 
83, 122, 149, 151 n., 162. 

Scheffer-Boichorst, Paul, Aus 
Dantes Verbannung, xxxvi n. 

Scherillo, M., Le Origini e lo 
Svolgimento della Letteratura 
Italiana, 43, 64, 85, 149. 

Scilicet, abbreviation of, in MSS., 
128 n. 

Scipio Africanus Major, defeats 
Hannibal at battle of Zama, 
141 n. 

Scipio Africanus Minor, destroys 
Carthage, 141 n. 

Seneca, Fortuitorum Remedia of 
Martinus Dumiensis at- 
tributed to, 25 n. 

Seorsim, 173 n. 

Serenitasy&s title of honour, 117 n. 

Serie di Aneddoti ; see Dionisi. 

Servius, commentary on Aeneid, 
94 n. 

Shadow of Dante ; see Kossetti, 
M. F. 

Shadwell, C. L., 49 n., 208 n. 

Siena, city of, letter to K. 
Robertof Sicily, 88 n. ; statutes 
of Hospital of Santa Maria at, 
166 n. 

Silvester, St., legend of, in 

Legenda Aurea, 49 n. , 50 n. ; 

feast of, 50 n. ; ActusB. Silvestri, 

Simois, repulse of Argonauts 

from, by Laomedon, 56 n. 
Simpliciter, 207 n. 
Societa Dantesca Italiana, v, 

vi n., liii, liv ; see Bullettino. 
Soderini, Tommaso, xxvii. 
Solesmes, Benedictines of, 50 n. 
Sonnet of Dante, 'Io sono stato ', 

addressed to Cino da Pistoja, 

21 n., 23n.,26, 28-9. 
Soranzo, Gian, Doge of Venice, 

Speculum Iuris (or Iudiciale) ; see 

Spoleto, destruction by Barba- 

rossa, 73 n., 245. 
Stabili, Francesco degli ; see 

Cecco d' Ascoli. 
Staffetti, L. , I Malaspina ricordati 

da Dante, 32 n. ; in Bull. Soc. 

Dant. Ital.,32n. 
Standard, Imperial, 70 n., 89 n. ; 

ancient Boman, 70 n. 
Staiuti Senesi, 166 n. 
Statuto dello Spedale di Santa Maria 

di Siena, 166 n. 
Studi sulla D. C di Galileo Galilei, 

V. Borghini, ecc. ; see Gigli. 
Studii su Giovanni Boccaccio ; see 

Stupore, D.'s definition of, 61 n. 
Sublimitas, as title of honour, 

118 n. 
Sufflamen, 70 n. 
Summa super titulis Decretalium ; 

see Susa, Henry of. 
Sun, as type of Papacy, 58 n., 

69 n., 78 n. ; « two Suns ', Pope 

and Emperor, 137 n. 
Susa, Henry VII at, 45, 217. 
Susa, Henry of, Bishop of Ostia, 

hence known as 'Ostiensis', 

135 n. ; his Summa, 135 n. 
Susurrium, viiin., 74 n. 
Syntaxis, genitive of, 138 n. 



Tam, omission of, 33 n. ; use of 
tantum in sense of,138n., 156n. 

Tantum, in sense of tam, 138 n., 
156 n. ; abbreviation of, in 
MSS., 156 n. 

renem, abbreviation of, inMSS., 
156 n. 

Testor, 88 n. 

Thebaid, commentary of pseudo- 
Fulgentius on, 55 n. 

Thessaly, 52 n. 

Thurot, C, Histoire des Doctrines 
grammaticales au Moyen Age, 
224 n. 

Tiber, 141 n. 

Tilly, Johann Tzerclaes, Count 
of, captures Heidelberg, xlviii. 

Tiraboschi, G., Vita di Dante, 43, 

Titles, spurious, to D.'s letters, 
12, 30, 127 n. ; titles of cities, 
mediaeval formula of, 166 n. 

Tommaseo, N., Le Lettere di D. 
scoperte da T. Heyse, xlixn. 

Tonitruum, 35 n. 

Torraca, F., in Bull. Soc. Dant. 
Ital., xxv n., liin., 3n., 12n., 
13 n., 14 n., 17 n., 29 n., 31 n., 
32n., 34n., 36 n., 141 n., 151n.; 
Comento on D. C, 12 n. ; Nuove 
Eassegne, 151 n. ; Studi Dante- 
schi, 166 n., 219 n„ 223 n. 

Torri, A., Epistole di D. A. edite e 
inedite, xxxiin., xxxvin., 1, li, 
livn., 1, 2, 11, 19, 29, 30, 42, 
43, 63, 83, 85, 106, 112, 116, 
117 n., 120 n., 121, 122, 123 n., 
148, 149, 161, 162, 183 n. ; 
departs from MS. order of 
Battifolle letters, 106 n. 

Torricelli, F., in Antologia di 
Fossombrone, lii n., 42, 43. 

Totila, reputed destruction of 
Florence, 75 n., 98 n. 

Toynbee, Paget, in Modern 
Language Review, vn., xxvn., 
liin., liii, 2, 11, 20, 23 n., 30, 
43, 56 n., 63, 64,84, 106, 107, 
112, 116, 122, 149, 150, 162, 

1 66 n. ; in Reports of Cambridge 
(U.S.A.) Danie Society, xiiin., 
xxii n. ; Dante Studies and Re- 
searches, xiii n., 50 n., 93 n., 
173 n., 174n., 175n., 176 n. ; 
An unrecorded Cent. xvii ed. 
ofBrunfs Vitadi Dante, xxii n. ; 
diplomatic transcripts of MS. 
texts oiEpistolae, 2, 11, 20, 30, 
43, 63, 83-4, 106, 112, 116, 
122, 149; Dante Dictionary, 
32 nn., 55 n. ; Mispunctuation in 
title of D.'s letter to Henry VII, 
88 n. ; in Bulletin Italien, 88 n., 
94 n. ; Some unacknowledged 
obligations of D. to Albertus 
Magnus, 91 n. ; in Romania, 
91 n., 179 n. ; 'Anubis' or 'a 
nubibus' in D.^s letter to Henry 
VII, 94 n. ; A Misreading in D.'s 
letter to a Friend in Florence, 
156 n. ; in Bull. Soc. Dant. Ital., 
156 n. ; D.'s uses of the word 
trattato in Convivio and Vita 
Nuova, 179 n. ; Life of Dante, 
218 n. 

Trabea, 71 n. 

Tragedy and comedy, distinction 
between, 176 n. 

Tragos, 176. 

Trajan, Emperor, his standard, 
70 n. 

Translation of D.'s Eleven Letters ; 
see Latham. 

Translaiion of Latin Works of D. ; 
see Wicksteed. 

Transteverine faction, compo- 
sition of, 141 n. 

Trattato, 179 n. 

Tre Epistole Latine di D. A. restituiie 
a piu vera lezione ; see Muzzi. 

Tresor ; see Latini. 

Treviso, March of, 3, 9. 

Trinity, Holy, 185 n. 

Trivulzio, Marehese Gr. G., xlvi, 
82 n. 

Trojans, ancestors of Komans, 
52 n. , 53 n. ; Trojan war, 
origin of, 56 n. 



Troy, sack of, by Hercules, 56 n. 
Troya. Carlo, Del Veltro Allegorico 

de 1 Ghibellini, xxvii, 11, 29; 

Del Veltro AUegorico di Dante, 

xxvii, xliiin., xliv, xlvn., 

xlvi, 20, 121, 124 n. 
Turin, Henry VII at, 45, 91 n., 

217 ; R. Accademia delle 

Scienze di Torino, 160 n., 162. 

of Aeneas, 95 n., 98 n. ; type 

of K. Robert of Naples, 98 n. 
Tuscany, 3, 9 ; Conti Guidi 

Counts Palatine in, 16 n. 
Tutte le Opere di D. A. (Barbera), 

livn., 2n. 
Tutte le Opere di D. A. (Oxford) ; 

see Oxford Dante. 
Tyre, Prince of, patristic appli- 

cation to Lucifer of Ezekiel's 

prophecy against, 189 n. 

Ugoni, C, Saggi sopra il Petrarca, 

Uguccione da Pisa, Magnae 

Derivationes , 47 n., 56n., 67 n., 

70n., 71 n.,94n., 133 n., 170n., 

173 n., 176 n. 
Uguccione della Faggiuola ; see 

Ultimo Rifugio di Dante ; see 

Ursi, Filii ; see Orsini. 

Valence, Italian Cardinals take 

refugeat, 124; theirencyclical 

from there, 124-6. 
Valois, N., Mude surle Rythme des 

Bulles Pontificales, 226 n., 231 n. 
Vandelli, G., in Bull. Soc. Dant. 

Ital., xvii n., 31 n., 170 n. 
Vatican MS. of D.'s letters ; see 

Cod. Vat.-Palat. Lat. 1729. 
Vegetius, De Re Militari, 130 n. 
Velletri, Bishop of ; see Niccolo 

da Prato. 
Vellutello, Alessandro, notice of 

D. in commentary on D. C, 


Venetian MS. of D.'s letters ; see 
Cod. Marc. Lat. xiv. 115. 

Venetians, alleged ignorance of 
Latin and Italian, xxxiv. 

"Venice, D.'s embassy to, on 
behalf of Guido da Polenta, 
xxxii-v, 223. 

Vercelli, 96 n. 

Vericour, R. de, Life and Times of 
D., 150. 

Verona, Capitular Library at, 
xliii, 160 ; D. at, 164, 223 ; 
Compendio della Storia Politica di 
Verona, 166 n. ; Can Grande 
appointed Imperial Vicar in, 
222 ; D.'s dissertation DeAqua 
et Terra at, 223. 

Veronese MS. of Epist. x ; see 
Cod. 314 Capit. Veron. 

Vestrum, Ovid's use of, 137 n. 

Vicenza, capture of, by Can 
Grande della Scala, 118 n., 
218; Latin titleof, 166 n. ; Can 
Grande appointed Imperial 
Vicar in, 219, 220. 

Victoria, town built by Emp. 
Frederick II, 72-3 n. 

Villani, Filippo, Expositio super 
Comedia Dantis, xivn., xvii, 
xxxvi, 32 n., 166 n., 175 n., 
176n. ; lectures on D.C. at 
Florence, xvii. 

Villani, Giovanni, friend and 
neighbour of D., xiv ; account 
of D.'s letters, xv-xvi, xl, 
xliv ; his Cronica, xv-xvi, 3n., 
4n., 7n., 13 n., 16 n., 43, 
56 n., 70n., 72n., 73n., 75 nn., 
82 n., 85, 94 n., 98 n., 108 n., 
109 n., 122, 123 n., 131 n., 
139 n., 213-23. 

Virgil, D.'s knowledge of the 
Aeneid, xxxv ; D.'s use of Maro 
for Virgilius, 90 n., 246. 

Virgilio, Giovanni del, poetical 
correspondence with D., xlv, 
19 n., 223. 

Vita Nuova, quoted, xiii, 90 n., 
176 n., 179 n., 194 n., 229 n. ; 



D.'s ' division ' of poems of, 
194 n. ; ends with velox, 229 n. 

Vitae Paparum Avenionensium ; see 

Volpi, G-., Rime di Trecentisti 
Minori, 31 n. 

Voluntas and voluptas, 7 n. 

Vulgari Eloquentia, De, Filelfb's 
fabrication of beginning of, 
xxx ; Trissino's trans. of, 
xxx n. ; quoted, 6n., 22 n., 
23n.,34n., 89 n., 95 n., 110n., 
168n., 175 n., 176 nn, 177 n., 
188 n., 225 nn. ; cursus in, 
231, 233, 234 n., 238, 243. 

Vulgate, quoted, xxii, xxxiii,35n., 
48 n., 49 n., 51 n., 53 n., 69 n., 
72 n., 73 n., 74 n., 76 n., 77 n., 
88 nn., 89 nn., 90 n., 91 n., 
92 n., 93 nn., 95 nn., 98 n., 
99 nn., 100 nn., 102 nn., 114n., 
127 n., 128 nn., 129 nn., 
130 nn., 131 nn., 132 nn., 
133 nn., 134 nn , 135 n., 136n., 
141n.,142nn., 167 n., 168 n., 
173 n., 185 nn., 189 nn., 
190 nn., 191 nn., 192 nn., 
194 nn., 195 nn., 208 n. ; MSS. 
of, in Bodleian, 195 n. 

Wagner, R, Die Echiheit cler drei 
Kaiserbriefe Dantes, 83 n., 84 n., 
249 n. 

Wegele, F. X., D. A.'s Leben und 
Werke, 64, 85, 122, 150. 

Wenceslas IV, K. of Bohemia, 
94 n. 

Wicksteed, P. H., Translaiion oj 
Latin Works of D. A., viin., 
livn., 2. 12, 20, 30, 44, 64, 
74 ii., 85, 122, 150, 162; Pro- 
visional trans. of D.'s Politiccd 
Letters, 44, 64, 85, 122, 150; 

trans. of Convivio, 215 n. ; D. 
and Giovanni del Virgilio, 223 nn. 

Witte, Karl, Dantis Alligheni 
Epistolae quae exstant, xxxii n., 
xlv, xlvii, 19, 43, 82 n., 83, 
85, 121, 123 n., 138 nn., 161, 
185 n., 187 n. ; Neu aufgefundene 
Briefe des D. A., xlvn., xlix, 
2 n., 11 n., 64 n. ; Dante-For- 
schungen, xlv n., 1 n., lii nn., 
2n., 12 n., 64 n., 161, 168 n. ; 
in Antologia Fiorentina, xlvi, 
121 ; ed. of De Monarchia, 
xlvii n., 1 n. ; ed. of D.'s 
lyrical poems, xlix n., 1, li, 29 ; 
Torris Ausgabe von Dantes 
Briefen, 1 n. ; Observationes de 
Dantis Epistola ad Canem 
Grandem, lii n., 161 ; con- 
jectural emendations in Episio- 
lae, 24 n., 138 n., 185 n. 

Women, D.'s depreciatory re- 
ferences to, 177 n. 

Wright, I. C., Memoir of Dante, 

Zatta, A., texts of Epist. x, 161. 
Zama, battle of, 141 n. 
Zenatti, O., Dante e Firenze, xxiv, 

xxv n., xlviinn., xlviii nn.. 

liin., 1, 3n., 12 n., 21 n., 

29, 30 n., 31 n., 32 n., 64, 

107 n., 108 n., 149 n., 155 nn., 

157 n. 
Zibaldone Boccaccesco, xliii, 19 n. ; 

facsimile of, 20 n. 
Zielinski, Th., Der consiruciive 

Rhythmus in Cicero's Reden, 

238 n., 239 n. 
Zingarelh, N., in Rassegna critica 

della Lett. Ital., 30 n. ; Dante r 

30 n., 45 nn, 149, 217 nn. 
Zucca del Doni ; see Doni. 

'Suole a riguardar giovare altrui.' 

Purg. iv. 54, 



Dante Alighieri 

i Pl T 9 "7